‘Black Mirror: Bandersnatch’ is a choose your own adventure masterwork

This is a choose-your-own-adventure review of the brand new choose-your-own-adventure Netflix special, Black Mirror: Bandersnatch

You can choose to remain entirely spoiler-free until you experience it for yourself. In which case: this is quite simply a brilliant, groundbreaking piece of interactive television. One that has cracked the code as to how you let the viewer make interesting storytelling choices without spoiling the immersive mood of good drama. 

(Important spoiler-free caveat: Netflix hasn’t yet cracked the code of how to show this interactive episode to its best advantage on actual TV boxes, not even the top-of-the-line Apple TV 4K. You’ll probably end up watching on a laptop, tablet or phone. Which is odd, because all you need to play is go left, go right and…OK — things any TV remote can do.) 

SEE ALSO: The darkest fake media in ‘Black Mirror’: A complete guide

Then there’s option B. You could choose to be very mildly spoiled (there’s little here beyond what you’ll see in the first five minutes). To paraphrase a movie that is highly appropriate to this subject matter: take the red pill and I’ll show you how deep my Choose Your Own Adventure rabbit hole goes.  

Bandersnatch manages to be many things at once: a trippy meta-mindfuck of a Black Mirror episode, simultaneously the longest and the shortest one that creator Charlie Brooker has written (it will last anywhere from 20 minutes to two hours); an homage to 1984; a horror; a time travel story; a Philip K Dick pastiche; and the most essential philosophy lesson we’ve seen since the Good Place.  

But most of all it’s something new in the world: successful interactive TV, something I’ve been waiting to see for years. 

Choose your own failure

I remember trying Netflix’s kids-only interactive stories from 2017, such as Puss in Books, and willing them to feel worthwhile, even for kids. Same goes for an interactive Dungeons and Dragons story released on DVD more than a decade ago. But both relied on cheap CGI, had clunky plots, and choppy pacing that stopped the action cold with each choice. They were hardly templates for a new age of entertainment. 

For a lifelong fan of print-based Choose Your Own Adventures, such as the classic Steve Jackson Sorcery! books (now available as iOS apps), these were baffling failures. Anyone who’s held their breath thumbing through those pages, one finger on the last entry you read in case you die on the next one, knows the power of interactive stories. We know the thrill of the do-over. 

We know the thrill of the do-over. 

Why couldn’t visual media get it right? Why had TV ceded that ground to videogames, when there is a hybrid of the two waiting to be born? 

Choose your own cereal

Brooker, a storytelling nerd who used to work at a videogames magazine, gets it. On the one hand, he keeps the story flowing with quick, light, amusingly mundane, highly realistic decisions such as a choice between breakfast cereals, or between music tapes. (As in the game of real life, such seemingly small choices will have enormous consequences for the story later on.)

On the other, heavier hand, he’s constructed something so compellingly meta it deserves some kind of meta-Oscar. It’s a sprawling choose your own adventure narrative about a kid, Stefan, who’s trying to turn a sprawling choose your own adventure book into a sprawling choose your own adventure videogame. He soon meets someone who opens his mind to what storytelling is all about.

The choices you have to make reflect the limits of free will that games designers impose on their characters — and Stefan comes to realize those limits in fascinating ways, on his way to one of five groups of endings. You will become a bigger part of those endings than you suspect. 

The in-universe book Stefan is trying to adapt is called Bandersnatch (the reference to Lewis Carroll’s glorious nonsense verse, “Jabberwocky”, seems more appropriate as the story goes on). It’s a doorstop of a space fantasy book that broke its author’s brain — imagine Philip K Dick taking a decade to write a Choose Your Own Adventure — which only increased its allure. 

I would have read the crap out of Bandersnatch as a kid, and that wasn’t the only thing that made me feel a strong instant bond with everynerd Stefan. The music tapes, the computer game tapes (Manic Miner!), the cereal (Frosties!), the 2000AD comic books — Stefan’s 1984 childhood was almost entirely mine too. For a Brit, this is even more authentically nostalgic than Stranger Things. Get out of my head, Brooker!

Choose your own entertainment future

You might think, after watching/playing it, that Black Mirror‘s creator just dropped the mic on this whole genre before it can even get off the ground. He effectively deconstructed the interactive story. What is there left to say? 

Well, just exactly as much as there is to say in stories, period. There is no life, no situation, that could not be rendered more fascinating by following all the branch points of what might have been. 

For proof, I recommend a couple of fascinating and criminally obscure choose your own adventure books: Pretty Little Mistakes: A Do-Over Novel by Heather McElhatton, a NPR commentator, and Life’s Lottery by thriller author Kim Newman. Both are mature looks at a single life, and how small choices can send them spinning off into wildly different directions. 

Just imagine what future showrunners can do with this technology.

Just imagine what future showrunners can do with this technology. Imagine a crime drama where the team may or may not solve the case every week, depending on your guidance. Imagine a season of Game of Thrones that is wildly different from the season your best friend is watching, because you made different choices three seasons earlier, leading different characters to their deaths. 

Imagine how many times you, a total stan for your show, would want to watch and play all over again, exhausting all options to find the perfect ending for your favorite characters. Imagine how much the networks would love that, not to mention potential advertisers. 

As soon as Netflix allows this thing to go mainstream by letting it play on actual TVs, the choices for adventure are endless. 

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In some ways, it got better for ride-sharing drivers in 2018.

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Lyft and Uber drivers had a better year, but it's still far from ideal.
Lyft and Uber drivers had a better year, but it’s still far from ideal.

Image: Lane Turner/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

2016%2f10%2f18%2f6f%2f2016101865slbw.6b8ca.6b5d9By Sasha Lekach

Uber changed its logo and Lyft launched pink and purple e-scooters. It’s been a big year for the two big ride-hailing apps.

For the drivers who supply rides ordered via smartphones, Uber and Lyft might say things were pretty good in 2018. Both companies made a big push to improve the driver experience, from Uber’s new app to both Lyft and Uber’s reward programs. But pay has stagnated and driver rights haven’t improved much — issues that the companies don’t want to examine too closely.

SEE ALSO: Uber and Lyft IPOs will make a lot of people rich. But what about the drivers?

In some cities like New York, London, and throughout Australia, the fight is on with local policymakers to reach the demands of the driver community. Drivers are looking to keep more of each fare and get recognized for their work. 

So while drivers and gig workers appeared to be more of a concern this year, it doesn’t mean much if hourly rates barely keep up with minimum wage and companies keep cutting into earnings with their high commissions

Uber does have a long list of improvements that came after 2017’s 180 Days of Change campaign. When Dara Khosrowshahi came on as CEO in August 2017, he immediately took on driver issues as a priority. To his credit, right as 2018 started he called for portable benefits and worked with Washington state on legislation. In New York City, a fund for drivers piloted with funding for telemedicine and vision benefits. After only a year of in-app tipping, Uber drivers earned $600 million. (Lyft reached $500 million earned since the start of the company.)

By April, a new driver app debuted with real-time earnings, better notifications, and an improved surge map. Little things continually improved on the app, like hands-free voice commands for drivers and other safety features. A big push for driver loyalty arrived in October with a pilot in select cities called Uber Pro. The rewards system for drivers offers extra earnings, cash back at gas stations, and free tuition for online classes at Arizona State University — nothing to sneer at. 

Lyft closely mirrored what Uber offered up drivers this year and added their own flair with 30 new driver hubs popping up to help drivers, new app designs that changed the tipping process and bumped up tips 20 percent, and a stream of driver changes like dropping the lowest rating, demand charts, and more features coming into the new year. A subtle addition that helped drivers out was mid-ride feedback for shared rides so that criticisms about the route or number of pick-ups was separate from driver ratings.

As Rideshare Guy blogger Harry Campbell said in an email at the end of this month, “2018 brought a lot of positive changes to the driver experience, but not much was done to address the top complaints of low driver pay and high commissions.” He noted that the upcoming IPOs likely mean no rate increases in sight as the companies try to keep costs low.

Jim Conigliaro, Jr., founder of the Independent Drivers Guild representing New York City app-based drivers, is hopeful for 2019. He wrote last week, “2018 began as pretty dark year” that eventually culminated in hard-fought worker victories. 

In New York in particular, this past year saw new Uber and Lyft vehicles capped for a year to study congestion and the effect of ride-hailing apps on cities and a new law that requires a livable, minimum wage bumping up pay to $17.22 an hour for thousands of drivers in the new year.

Findings from the Gridwise driver companion app brought in data from 500,000 rides from 2017 and 2018. The hourly average rate increased less than $3 to $16.66 this year, not taking into account inflation and before costs like gas, car leasing fees, and commission. But things are moving upward.

“We expect a better 2019,” Conigliaro said. Maybe it’ll be the year of the driver. 

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‘Bird Box’ is blind to the issues of stigmatizing mental illness

This post contains spoilers for Bird Box.

At first blush, Bird Box’s flaws seem inoffensive, if plentiful: A poorly written script, half-baked world-building, paper-thin characters, and the waste of the talents of an Oscar-winning actress on five-year-old screen partners.

But under closer scrutiny, a more sinister byproduct emerges from the failures of Netflix’s Sandra Bullock-starring post-apocalyptic thriller. 

The villainization of people with mental illness in Hollywood is far from new. But Bird Box seems to wear this stigmatization and its sensationalization of suicide like a badge of gritty honor.

SEE ALSO: ’13 Reasons Why’ proves that good intentions aren’t enough when it comes to portraying suicide

Centered around an end-of-day reckoning, Bird Box imagines a world stalked by monsters that drive people to commit suicide at the mere sight of them. 

Everyone, that is, except those with mental illnesses. Instead of killing themselves in gratuitously gory ways like all the “normal” characters, people with mental illnesses become literal agents of evil, obsessed with carrying out the monsters’ mission to destroy humanity. 

The examples of this effect are seen in characters explicitly established dealing with mental illness: former patients from a mental hospital, plus a grocery store clerk described as having gone “to prison and always a bit crazy.”

Sandra Bullock can't save 'Bird Box' from its own irresponsibly mixed metaphors

Sandra Bullock can’t save ‘Bird Box’ from its own irresponsibly mixed metaphors

Image: Saeed Adyani/Netflix

So Bird Box is evidently trying to say something about mental illness through its ill-defined monsters, brought forth as biblical judges for our moral punishment. Exactly what they mean as a metaphor, however, remains frustratingly unclear. 

What is clear is that Bird Box joins a long-standing tradition of mass media perpetuating the myth that people with mental illness are dangerously deranged villains of ultra-violence, rather than the reality that they’re actually more likely to be victims of violence.

This portrayal is everywhere. Aside from being the first topic of speculation about every mass shooter, horror movies as far back as Psycho are built on it, TV shows like Hannibal further embed the myth into our culture, and video games like Outlast dehumanize psychiatric patients in asylums into spooky enemies to be killed for fun.

Bird Box wears this stigmatization  like a badge of gritty honor.

The effect of this accumulatively terrible representation of mental illness has a demonstrable effect. People who suffer from these illnesses would rather stay silent than seek help and be seen as “crazy” social pariahs.

Then there’s Bird Box‘s rather cavalier attitude toward depicting gleefully violent suicides. 

Arguably, these are so far removed from real-world suicides that this sensationalist approach can be seen as more responsible than the more graphically true-to-life ones in shows like 13 Reasons Why. But turning that trauma into cheap, bloody thrills for entertainment certainly leaves a bad taste in the mouths of people who are survivors or who wrestle with suicidal thoughts.

It’s obvious that the creators of Bird Box did not set out to create a film villainizing mental illness or sensationalizing suicide. If you squint at its woefully confused metaphors, there might be an allegory in the monsters as a darkness that perhaps only people who’ve struggled with depression, psychological disorders, etc., would be familiar with.

Yet a lack of awareness does not excuse the harm caused by Bird Box’s flagrant carelessness in handling extremely sensitive subject matter.

if u suffer from anxiety or have any kind of suicidal thoughts DO NOT WATCH bird box. the movie is basically about mass suicide and it’s very disturbing i couldn’t even make it halfway through

— 𝖖 (@akuslut) December 24, 2018

In all fairness, the film does make attempts to right some wrongs in the portrayal of people with one kind of physical disability. At the end, Malorie (Bullock) and the kids find a safe haven in a community run by the blind, showing people with a physical disability not only as capable citizens but as strong leaders, guiding the able-bodied into a new world. 

It’s a rare, refreshingly positive reflection of a real-world truth: That what society often views as a pitiable weakness can in so many other ways be a strength. It’s not unlike A Quiet Place‘s laudable representation of deaf character Regan, played beautifully by Millicent Simmonds.

But this destigmatization of disability only goes as far as the physical. Because in Bird Box‘s vision of Eden for survivors of the rapture, there’s no place for people with psychological disabilities.

This early suicide scene is nothing short of traumatizing

This early suicide scene is nothing short of traumatizing

Image: Merrick Morton/Netflix

For one, the tone of the film encourages us to view those who fight to survive that darkness in the real world with abject horror rather than any sort of empathy

Unlike blindness, mental illness is characterized as seemingly the most unconquerable weakness, rendering those who suffer from it more susceptible rather than more resilient to the darkness that the monsters represent. If anything, the world rules set up by Bird Box should mean they’re more adept at surviving a world cloaked in that unending darkness.

In Bird Box‘s vision of Eden for survivors of the rapture, there’s no place for people with psychological disabilities

For another, Bird Box makes the egregious mistake of depicting these characters as one-dimensional caricatures defined exclusively by their mental illnesses. 

Sure, everyone “normal” who looks at the monsters becomes a brainless zombie. But turning people with mental illnesses into the exact opposite — zealots who survive only as extensions of a monstrous evil — has the incredibly othering effect of denying them even the humanity afforded to all the other characters.

None of this is to say that every “negative” depiction of mental illness, particularly those in horror movies, should not be allowed. In the same year as Bird Box‘s release, Hereditary addressed mental illness and trauma through the lens of horror to increase the audience’s empathy for that internal and generational struggle.

What it comes down to is Bird Box‘s lack of care toward almost every element of its filmmaking. And when it comes how it tackles a real problem through its fantastical premise, it’s a movie that keeps its eyes stubbornly shut.

If you want to talk to someone or are experiencing suicidal thoughts you can text the Crisis Text Line at 741-741 or call the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-8255. Alternatively, a further list of international resources is available here. 

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Bahrain says work in Syria embassy ‘continuing’ after UAE move

Bahrain has announced that “work is continuing” at its embassy in Syria, day after the UAE reopened its own diplomatic mission in the country.

The Bahraini embassy in the Syrian capital, Damascus, was closed following the start of a popular uprising against President Bashar al-Assad in 2011, which escalated into a brutal and multifaceted war that has killed hundreds of thousands of people, displaced millions and destroyed the country’s infrastructure.

The Bahraini Foreign Ministry made the announcement in a statement on its website on Friday, saying it was “anxious to continue relations” with Syria and wants to “strengthen the Arab role and reactivate it in order to preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria and prevent the risk of regional interference in its affairs”. 

Syria’s embassy in the Bahraini capital, Manama, is also operational and flights between the two countries are set to resume, according to the ministry statement. 

In October, Bahraini Foreign Minister Khalid bin Ahmed al-Khalifa was seen warmly greeting his Syrian counterpart Walid al-Muallem at the United Nations General Assembly in New York.

Khalifa later defended the meeting in an interview, saying it was unplanned and calling Syria a “brotherly, Arab nation”. 

“What happens there concerns us more than anywhere else in the world. It is not right that regional and international players are involved in Syria while we are absent,” Khalifa said.

Strengthening the Arab role

The embassy reopenings are the latest signs of a thaw in relations between Syria and other Arab countries [Omar Sanadiki/Reuters]

Bahrain’s decision came just hours after the United Arab Emirates (UAE) reopened its embassy in central Damascus on Thursday.

Both Gulf countries were among several regional powers that initially backed opposition fighters in Syria, though their roles were reportedly less prominent than those of Saudi Arabia, Qatar or Turkey.

WATCH: Trump: Saudi to pay ‘necessary money’ to help rebuild Syria (2:17)

The moves are the latest indicators that some Arab countries are preparing to welcome Syria back into the fold after years of diplomatic isolation, which have seen the country expelled from the 22-member Arab League, and slapped with sanctions and condemnations of its use of military force against the opposition. 

Trade between Jordan and Syria has resumed in recent weeks after the reopening of a border crossing in October and the first commercial flight from Syria to Tunisia in seven years took off on Thursday. 

Earlier in December, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir became the first Arab head of state to visit Syria since the war began. 

The warming relations come as regional and international powers jostle for position in Syria, following a year of advances by government forces, which has seen the defeat of the last sizeable rebel enclaves near Damascus.

“An Arab role in Syria has become even more necessary to face the regional expansionism of Iran and Turkey,” UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Anwar Gargash said on Twitter on Thursday. 

Tehran has been a staunch supporter of Assad’s government and has expanded its military footprint in Syria throughout the course of the conflict. Along with Russia, which also supports Assad, and Turkey, which does not, Iran has played a central role in peace negotiations on Syria.

Meanwhile, in December, United States President Donald Trump announced the withdrawal of all 2,000 US troops from Syria, clearing the path for Turkey to launch planned combat operations into northeastern Syria against an alliance of Kurdish and Arab groups that it views as an extension of an armed group fighting inside Turkey. 

Trump also claimed that Saudi Arabia, Iran’s regional nemesis, had agreed to finance Syria’s enormous reconstruction needs. 

“Saudi Arabia has now agreed to spend the necessary money needed to help rebuild Syria, instead of the United States,” Trump said on Twitter.

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Cozy up with ‘Hilda,’ the best holiday hidden gem Netflix binge

When sweater weather is in full effect and all you want to do is stay inside by the fire, Netflix’s new animated series Hilda brings the magic of exploring the wilderness to your couch.

Based on the acclaimed British graphic novel by Luke Pearson (an Adventure Time veteran, as you might be able to tell from the animation style), with a synth pop intro written by Grimes, its the kind of cartoon that’s as much for millennials as it is for kids. 

SEE ALSO: Saying goodbye to ‘Adventure Time,’ the show that taught us to let good things end

But there’s an unwavering sincerity to Hilda that makes it stand out from the other shows of its ilk, like Adventure Time, Gravity Falls, and even Steven Universe

A fearless explorer, Hilda lives in the woods with her mom, along with an ever-expanding cast of folklore creatures and legends. Until, that is, a neighborly mishap forces them to move to the nearby city of Trolberg. And metropolitan life turns out to be the only beast Hilda can’t tame.

Watching Hilda feels like going back to that time in childhood when you only needed your imagination for company. You’d play outside with nothing but the intent of fun, only to come back several hours later thoroughly spent and covered in dirt. The world felt big and scary, you tiny and defenseless. But confronting that thrill of the unknown is exactly what made you feel invincible.

With a backdrop of Scandinavian myth and and scenery, it creates a universe where fantasy and reality exist side by side. And nobody questions it. From giants to elves to thunder birds, the fantastical is commonplace — but feels no less magical. 

Watching Hilda feels like going back to that time in childhood when you only needed your imagination for company.

Elves are sticklers for bureaucratic paperwork, for example, but how else are they supposed to protect their invisibility spell without all those forms? And granted, the ill-mannered Wood Man barges into the house uninvited at all hours of the day to use your fireplace without asking, but at least he brings his own wood.

Every rock left unturned in the world of Hilda feels like a new wonder waiting to be discovered — or most likely, a troll baby who’d rather be left alone. Every episode exudes so much warmth and life that you can practically envision Twig, the deerfox, curled up next you.

Without a doubt, Hilda is an ode to the weird kids. You know, the ones who never quite figured out the whole people thing but knew every possible fact about frogs and their social habits.

Like every great fairytale, the stories in Hilda teach important lessons you can bring into the real world without beating you over the head with it: about the value of all life, the magic in the mundane, the power of perception. 

Don't even get us started on elvish politics

Don’t even get us started on elvish politics

Image: netflix

One visual and narrative theme the show often returns to is the question of scale, showing how the world looks so different to an elf versus a human versus a giant. The things that loomed so large and important in your life become indistinguishable dust to a giant. Meanwhile the behaviors you never thought twice about can be experienced as acts of terror to an elvish town.

Hilda is as powerful as it is simple, as fierce as it is gentle-hearted, and as extraordinary as it is ordinary. It’s a quiet adventure. And it rings with all the more resonance for it.  

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Marijuana representation on screen: There’s still a long way to go

This post is part of our High-tech High series, which explores weed innovations, and our cultural relationship with cannabis, as legalization in several U.S. states, Canada, and Uruguay moves the market further out of the shadows.


Marijuana has long been celebrated in the world of music and song. In the world of movies and TV, meanwhile, the majority of cannabis-loving characters tend to slot in somewhere between bumbling idiots and dangerous outcasts. 

This divide in media representation stretches all the way back to 1936. That was the year a hit jazz song called “If You’re a Viper” provided a positive view of marijuana use that still checks out (“you know you’re high when your throat is dry / everything is dandy”). But it was also the year of Reefer Madness, the infamous propaganda film that depicted pot as a precursor to lunacy and murder; its users were crazed buffoons to be laughed at or pitied.

Fast forward 82 years. Even after widespread legalization and societal acceptance of weed, it doesn’t seem like much has changed. Because yes, marijuana in music is cooler than ever; a recent study found that 75 percent of U.S. top 40 tunes feature positive shout-outs to weed — often for enhancing the creativity or prowess of the songwriter. 

But on screens? Well, even including recent indie movies that landed with a thud (see: Hansel and Gretel Get Baked), our cinematic cannabis canon contains a litany of bro-tastic stoner dudes on couches. The pot smoker is here presented as a hapless fool who keeps getting into scrapes — all brought on, in the immortal words of Afroman, because they got high. (Not to mention hungry.) 

Which is not to say stoner comedies can’t be funny. They’re often hilarious! Take the negative sides of heavy pot-smoking — short-term memory loss, paranoia, poor motor skills — exaggerate them, and you have seams of comedy gold for talented moviemakers to mine.

It’s just that, well, we’ve seen that movie so many times. What Cheech and Chong were doing in Up in Smoke in the 1970s is pretty much what Harold and Kumar did in the 2000s, and what Seth Rogen and James Franco did earlier this decade in Pineapple Express and This is the End, not to mention Mark Wahlberg and a CGI bear in the two Teds. If we’re going to keep doing this, Hollywood, how about some more female leads in stoner comedies? 

If a character gets high in a comedy, it’s generally shorthand for them being a doofus. If they get high in a drama, it’s still code for them being a weird outcast. They may be the hero or a sidekick, but there’s definitely something wrong with them — some kind of arrested development.

SEE ALSO: OK, everybody: Stop pot-shaming Elon Musk

Granted, screenwriters don’t always show alcohol in the best light either; we have the Hangover movies as Exhibits A-C there. But at least there’s more balance, even romance, in its portrayal. For every drunk-ass W.C. Fields, there’s a suave Jay Gatsby or James Bond. (Alcohol, which has been found to do more damage to your brain than marijuana in at least one recent study, is surely less deserving of this fair and balanced treatment.) 

And yes, you could argue that alcohol and weed have differing impacts psychologically, but if we can embrace both James Bond and the Hangover bros, we should make room for more nuanced portrayals of weed, too. Yet we more readily think of grand old celebrities who can hold their liquor and use it in their performance — Peter O’Toole being the archetypal example. For the equivalent in the marijuana-user world, you’d have to look to the music business again; someone like Paul McCartney, casual consumer of at least one joint a day since 1965, has no equivalent in movies. 

For a brief time in the 20th century, cinematic stoner heroes could be cool, too (see Easy Rider for the best example). But in the 21st, there is no sign of a mainstream movie hero that can do for weed what Bond did for martinis — that is, to portray it as a refined pleasure often consumed socially. 

Not a central part of the plot, nor an important flaw in the main character (as marijuana was for Joaquin Phoenix’s detective in Inherent Vice) — just a totally legal thing people happen to do on an evening, without it necessarily turning them into the Big Lebowski. 

When someone like Daniel Craig appears in a movie as a character who takes a languid hit off a vape pen and nothing more is said of it, that’s when you know Hollywood is taking weed seriously. (Appropriately enough, Craig opened his 2004 movie Layer Cake doing a long monologue about future drug legalization and how it would prevent mobsters like his character; it’s looking more prescient with each passing year.) 

Good joints, bad joints

Our ongoing Golden Age of Television should provide us with more nuanced portrayals of marijuana usage, right? Well, yes. Sort of. With big caveats.

TV went to pot relatively late in the game, and seemed cautious about putting cannabis front and center in the story even when it went there. The highly bingeable eight seasons of Weeds (2005-2012) made a lot of peripheral use of the plant, and had plenty of marijuana users who weren’t clowns or weirdos. 

But the show was also oddly clear about the fact that its hero Nancy Botwin (the peerless Mary Louise Parker) rarely got high on her own supply. She was just a suburban mom, forced into dealing the green stuff by circumstance. Her personal drug of choice: venti frappuccinos. 

Then there was Broad City, which successfully updated the stoner comedy concept for the small screen (and gave us the female protagonists that the movie business didn’t). Tellingly, Broad City was not developed by network executives, but was born as a series of web shorts. Season 5 will be the last, and attempts to spin off the same schtick into other formats — such as co-creator Ilana Glazer’s short-lived Time Traveling Bong — haven’t gone anywhere so far. 

More problematic were the two seasons of Disjointed (2017 and 2018) on Netflix. Kathy Bates stars as Ruth Whitefeather Feldman, proprietor of a recreational dispensary in Los Angeles, ringleader of a motley crew of stoners including her son and his crush. Netflix opted not to pick it up a third time. And it’s not hard to see why.

Disjointed is, as its title suggests, a strange show and something of a mixed baggie. It is a very 20th century-style studio sitcom, complete with a laugh track. Nothing wrong with that — it’s actually great that pot got its mainstream laugh-track workplace sitcom, its Cheers moment at last. Move over, alcohol! The problem is more that this format seems to have led the writers to go for the weaker, safer, more frequent kind of jokes, usually ones that reinforce marijuana stereotypes. 

Take Disjointed‘s two most clownish, over-indulging stoner characters, Dank and Dabby. In the Season 1 finale — spoiler alert, I guess? — this couple gets stuck on the roof of the dispensary, and we learn what happens when they’re deprived of weed for a few hours: They remember their former lives as academic geniuses. 

It’s intended as a joke, of course, but suddenly Dank and Dabby become tragic figures, chronic underachievers, no less victims of the demon weed than any character in Reefer Madness

Still, there’s a lot to commend the show for in terms of representation. Ruth’s son Travis, a black man, is also that rarest of characters: a rational, normal, non-hippyish, level-headed, business-running, occasional marijuana user. There’s Maria, a suburban mom who takes to vaping with the zeal of the convert. 

And then there’s Carter, the Iraq vet security guard whose internal struggles with PTSD are illustrated with dramatic, trippy animations. His journey, from adamantly refusing to even try pot to discovering that it quiets the bad stuff in his head, is the most touching arc on the show. Carter, a Muslim, is by far the most complex character; had he been the focus of Disjointed, Netflix may not have canceled it. 

Maintenance Man

A more successful show, and the only one to truly represent marijuana users on a regular basis, is High Maintenance — which returns for a third season on HBO on January 20, 2019. 

Like Broad City and unlike Disjointed, which was a top-down network-style show from Big Bang Theory guys, High Maintenance floated from the bottom up — starting life as a series of web shorts on Vimeo. At the risk of sounding like a pretentious hipster, the old, obscure ones are still clearly the best; a 15-minute format is the way the show should have stayed.

Each webisode was utterly fresh, a realistic slice of life of a different quirky New Yorker. At some point in the story, usually incidental to the action, each character receives a weed delivery from a bearded bike messenger known only as The Guy (Ben Sinclair). 

In these shorts, The Guy was often the foil for the strangeness of his clients; he was a very New York type himself, a working dealer hustling to make a buck, and he bowed out quick.

When the show stepped up to HBO, a half-hour runtime requirement created a need to stitch the short stories together. The Guy became that stitching, and started to look like more of an eternal stoner type in the process: smoking out with his clients every episode, taking mushrooms and running around the city, and in the final episode of Season 2, even revealing that he has a name. (Unimaginatively, it’s Ben.)  

But the show has opened up a seam of storytelling about New York City, one of the richest character mines in the world. It could dig for years and keep coming up with gold — because how many millions of New Yorkers continue to need a Guy, in the absence of legalization? (New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo has called for legalizing recreational marijuana in 2019, but nobody knows yet whether he’ll actually follow through or is just associating himself with a popular program.) 

Nearly every High Maintenance character is striving for something that makes them sympathetic. They’re trying to make it in the big city, to create something, to find themselves, find love or explore a new fad. They are flawed and fascinating and just so happen to need, or like, the flawed, fascinating uplift that THC provides. They read the news today, oh boy (as in the Season 2 opener, which deals with a never-specified international catastrophe) and they’d love to turn you on. 

In terms of anti-fascist political messages, however, there’s nothing to beat Reefer Madness. Not the 1936 version — the 1998 musical parody, immortalized in an Emmy-winning 2005 Showtime movie starring Alan Cumming and Kristen Bell. 

The musical is mostly 1936 propaganda exaggerated to absurdity. An opening number warns that marijuana is “turning all our children into hooligans and whores.” A gangster’s moll laments her addiction to “The Stuff.” Young innocent Mary Sunshine (Bell) has a handful of puffs and turns into an insatiable dominatrix. 

The American president himself (Cumming) shows up at the end to tell everyone how to combat the green menace. And then comes the sting in the musical’s tale: Once they’ve rounded up all the pot-smoking freaks, the cast vows, it’s time to round up everyone who deviates from the norm based on race and religion as well. 

It’s fair to say this ending is rather more resonant in 2018 than it was in 1998. Life may be good for American stoners in some states right now, but others are still getting arrested and incarcerated by a plainly racist justice system

The public may no longer associate marijuana with Mexican immigrants, as they did during the early part of the 20th century. Nevertheless, the current president squeaked into office after demonizing Mexicans for bringing unspecified “drugs and crime.” Fear of The Other is alive and well, and remains a factor in marijuana policy. 

We really aren’t as far away from 1936 as we think, both on screen and in real life. But if moviemakers and showrunners can give us more than stoner comedy tropes, if they can stop giggling for long enough to give us more even-handed, realistic representations of a mostly harmless intoxicant, then society at large will follow. 

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Caught in Indonesia’s tsunami – stories of survival and death

South Lampung, Indonesia – The wedding party was in full swing when Andi Karim heard the sounds of fierce waves slamming the shore of his village in western Indonesia.

 

The 32-year-old’s instinct kicked in immediately, prompting him to spring towards his home on the waterfront where his 33-year-old wife Putri Anita and his five-year-old son and three-month-old daughter were sleeping.

 

“When I got inside the house, I saw that the waves had knocked a cupboard on top of my family. My wife was holding it up so they didn’t get crushed,” Karim told Al Jazeera.

 

His family was alive – but trapped. The small plywood cupboard had fallen on their mosquito net, pinning them to the bed.

 

“My wife was holding the cupboard so it didn’t fall on the baby, but she couldn’t get them out from under the net,” Karim said.

 

“I saw in her eyes that she was just waiting to die.”

Karim managed to rescue his family from their house before another violent wave bore down on the village in South Lampung [Teguh Harahap/Al Jazeera]

Rajabasa village had just been hit by a powerful tsunami that on Saturday night battered the Lampung and Banten provinces on the Indonesian islands of Sumatra and Java, respectively.

WATCH: Indonesia raises alert, reroutes flights around erupting volcano (1:44)

The huge waves are widely believed to have been triggered by an underwater landslide caused by an eruption from the neighbouring Anak Krakatoa volcano which sits in the Sunda Strait.

At least 430 people have been killed, more than 150 are still missing, and thousands have been displaced.

 

Karim managed to lift the cupboard off his family and get them out of the house as another violent wave bore down on the village in South Lampung.

“By the time we went outside, the water was waist deep,” he said. “If I hadn’t got there in time and been so close, my wife and children would be dead now.”

Coastal areas of Lampung in Sumatra were badly hit by the tsunami and 108 people have died in the province [Teguh Harahap/Al Jazeera]

Surging wall of water

On the same night, some two kilometres away in the coastal village of Way Muli, Sabandin Bin Hasimun was at his neighbour’s house.

 

“I heard water rushing up the beach, which was unusual, so I went outside to see what was happening. A second wave came on the horizon and it was so big,” the 38-year-old told Al Jazeera.

 

“My neighbour immediately shouted, ‘It’s a tsunami’.”

Bin Hasimun immediately started running down the waterfront in the direction of his family home, where his wife, Munajah Binti Nurdin, 31, and their two youngest sons – Muhammad Rifki Al Lapis, two, and Ahmad Dinata Adi Saputra, eight – were all asleep.

 

But he couldn’t make it.

 

“The wave hit me and I went under,” he recalled. “I just curled up in a ball and put my hands over my head.”

 

Bin Hasimun was washed against a low wall next to the main road. He managed to grab hold of it. “That’s what saved me being swept out to sea,” he said.

 

When the water subsided and his gaze turned towards his house, he saw that it had completely disappeared – gone by the surging wall of water.

 

“I thought another wave would come so I ran away,” said Bin Hasimun, who eventually managed to scramble to higher ground.

Sabandin Bin Hasimun lost his wife and two-year-old son when the tsunami destroyed their home [Teguh Harahap/Al Jazeera]

The next morning, the body of his two-year-old son was found on the beach. It took until Tuesday for his wife’s remains to be recovered at Kunjir village, around a kilometre away.


 

Remarkably, his eight-year-old son had woken up by the sound of the sea and fled the home before the waves came. “He took the initiative to save his own life,” said Bin Hasimun.

 

His eldest son, 11-year-old Ahmad Dwi Hadi Saputra, was at a football camp in the provincial capital of Bandar Lampung when the tsunami hit and is now being looked after by his football coach. He has yet to be told that his mother and youngest brother perished in the deadly waves.

Infrastructure risks

Out of the 108 tsunami victims in South Lampung, 22 lived in Way Muli.

Dr Eddie Dempsey, a lecturer in structural geology at the School of Environmental Sciences, University of Hull told Al Jazeera that the waves and the water are in fact the least hazardous part of tsunamis.

“Tsunamis really are terrible events … The most dangerous part is the debris and sediment picked up by the wave which is churned around like in a cement mixer,” Dempsey said.

WATCH: Indonesia raises alert, reroutes flights around erupting volcano (1:44)

“In addition to that, fallen electricity cables and burning fuel add to the hazards. As with most geohazards, most of the risks actually come from the infrastructure we have built around ourselves.”

 

Rescuers are continuing to find bodies along the coastlines of Lampung and Banten and the burial process is ongoing.

Helicopters, drones and sniffer dogs have also been deployed to find survivors and victims in remote areas, as recovery teams scramble to distribute much-needed aid to those sheltering in mountainous makeshift camps amid official warnings to stay away from the coast due to the prospect of the rumbling Anak Krakatoa causing another tsunami.

On Wednesday, Bin Hasimun attended his local mosque where he was comforted by friends as paramedics unloaded the body of his wife on a stretcher so that local residents could say prayers before her burial.

Sabandin Bin Hasimun’s wife Munajah was brought to the local mosque for a burial on Wednesday [Teguh Harahap/Al Jazeera]


Her body, almost unrecognisable due to decomposition caused by the water, had to be wrapped first in a traditional white Muslim funeral shroud and then in a plastic body bag to avoid it leaking. The prayers had to be cut short as the smell of death in the mosque was overwhelming and caused members of the crowd to cough.

Bin Hasimun was urged by concerned friends not to attend the burial for fear that it would be too upsetting.

 

Having lost his wife of 13 years, he says he’s feeling “lost”. For the moment, he is staying with family friends on higher ground in Way Muli, but is too shocked to know what to do next.

 

“I’ve no idea where we’re going to live,” he said. “I just can’t picture the future.” 

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What Will History Books Say About 2018?


Donald Trump

Zach Gibson-Pool/Getty Images

At the end of last year, POLITICO Magazine asked historians if 2017 had been the craziest year in American politics. That was before 2018, when several of President Donald Trump’s onetime cronies were indicted for financial crimes, when rapper Kanye West delivered a soliloquy in the Oval Office and when an accidental alert had Hawaii residents convinced nuclear missiles were inbound for a full 38 minutes. That was before one midterm election and three government shutdowns, before the Trump administration ordered that migrant children be separated from their parents at the U.S. border and before the president’s historic meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. It was before the Kavanaugh hearings, and before 13 federal agencies issued a dire report on climate change that the White House attempted to bury.

How will history remember this wild year? Which events were significant and which were distractions? POLITICO Magazine asked the smartest historians we know to put all that happened over the past 12 months in its proper historical context—by literally writing the paragraph that history books of the future will include about 2018. Here’s what they had to say

Story Continued Below

***

The year of distraction

Joseph J. Ellis is the author of American Dialogue: The Founders and Us.

It is difficult to believe, but exactly a century ago, in 2018, the American media was obsessed with the fractured and frivolous presidency of Donald Trump.

Unmentioned, what they might have called “unbreaking news,” were the following movements in the historical templates fated to shape our own world: the ascendance of the Asian Empire, then called China; the crisis of confidence in all three branches of the federal government, which led to the calling of the Second Constitutional Convention and our current American Confederation; the accelerating erosion of the Greenland glacier, which eventually forced the evacuation of our coastal cities.

For all these reasons, 2018 has come to be called “The Year of Distraction.”

***

The end of American exceptionalism

Jacqueline Jones is a professor of American history at the University of Texas at Austin, and author, most recently, of Goddess of Anarchy: The Life and Times of Lucy Parsons, American Radical (2017).

The year 2018 was reckoning time for those stubborn optimists who believed that the end of the Cold War would inevitably bring a more prosperous, interconnected world. At the dawn of the 21st century, free trade, advanced technology, and social media seemed to hold great promise as engines of worldwide peace and security. By 2018, however, the global economy was enriching a few and consigning the many to ill-paid jobs. Social media users sought to undermine free elections at home and abroad, and fanned the flames of hate and division via Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. The late 20th-century ideal of a world moving inexorably toward universal human rights and the eradication of poverty crumbled under the weight of terrorist attacks, civil wars, massive displaced populations, and environmental disasters such as droughts, wildfires, hurricanes and floods. Meanwhile, enemies of democracy joined with reactionaries to embrace authoritarian “strong men” who vowed to bring order out of chaos and restore nations to their mythical former glory.

In 2018, striking, irrefutable evidence of this encroaching revanchism appeared in the piece-by-piece dismantling of the American “city upon a hill” story—the notion that the United States represented a beacon of enlightenment and progress in a craven world. Many Americans seemed willing to accommodate themselves to the casual destruction of values and institutions that the country had long claimed were proof of its own “exceptionalism.” President Donald Trump, buoyed by the cult-like devotion of his Republican base, mocked the principle of a free press, calling journalists “the enemies of the people.” He tried to treat the Department of Justice as his personal law firm, and dismissed the idea that truth and facts should be honored as standard currency in political discourse. Trump openly ridiculed people of color as “low-IQ individuals,” and called for the jailing of his political opponents. He took credit for the stock market when it was up, and blamed the head of the Federal Reserve when it was down. He cozied up to dictators and prioritized money and arms deals over human life. He scorned science and declared climate change a “hoax,” opening the way for the despoiling of land, air and sea. Though erratic, petulant, and willfully ignorant, he held in his thrall even the most powerful Republican lawmakers, who were terrified that someday he might “primary” them. The traditional narrative of the United States as a noble world leader and defender of human rights was slipping away, and by the end of Trump’s second year in office, the country was in danger of sliding into a garden-variety authoritarianism. To paraphrase the historian Henry Adams, the progress of evolution from President Lincoln to President Trump was alone evidence enough to upset Darwin.

***

Insignificant, or an earthquake—depending on 2020

H. W. Brands teaches at the University of Texas at Austin. He is the author of Andrew Jackson and other works of American history.

Scenario A (Donald Trump was not elected to a second term):

The year 2018 was full of sound and fury signifying, in the end, very little. Trump’s boorish model of leadership was repudiated by voters at the first opportunity, and his polices on trade, international security, immigration, and the environment were sooner or later undone.

Scenario B (Trump was reelected to a second term):

The year 2018 marked the moment when America’s abdication of its role of leadership in the world, begun in 2017, grew more pronounced and irreversible. Trump called into question or flatly rejected America’s commitments to its allies, to free trade, to the rule of law, to democratic norms and to a global effort to avert the most dire consequences of climate change. He made America, in the eyes of much of the rest of the world, a rogue state. The president of the United States had long been the most consequential person in the world; that distinction shifted to the president of China in 2018. The world has never been the same.

***

When we saw the fault lines after the earthquake

Nicole Hemmer, assistant professor of presidential studies at the Miller Center at the University of Virginia and author of Messengers of the Right: Conservative Media and the Transformation of American Politics.

In 2016, a political earthquake hit the United States. In 2018, we got our first real look at the fault lines it exposed and the extent of the damage that it did.

In the midterm elections, women’s rage transformed into women’s power as historic numbers of women, almost all of them representing the Democratic Party, won congressional seats. That blue wave came on the heels of Brett Kavanaugh’s sexual assault accusations and Supreme Court confirmation, an event that drove even more women into the Democratic camp—while driving even more men into Trump’s.

The election also took place against the backdrop of escalating hate crimes against people of color, Jews, and women, including the deadliest anti-Semitic attack in American history. While progressives organized to transform the face of American politics—electing the most diverse set of officials in the nation’s history—the administration set out to fulfill its restrictionist vision, separating migrant families, erecting detention camps at the border, and using teargas on refugees. At the end of 2018, both parties had organized a clear response to 2016’s earthquake—responses that could not have been more different.

***

The moment the parties switched their bases

Geoffrey Kabaservice is director of political studies at the Niskanen Center and the author of Rule and Ruin: The Downfall of Moderation and the Destruction of the Republican Party.

Half a century later, 2018 stands out as the point at which it became evident that the Republican and Democratic parties had switched their political bases. The 2016 elections already had confirmed that the white working class—the foundation on which New Deal liberalism was built—had become overwhelmingly Republican. But the 2018 midterms gave the first real indication that Donald Trump’s self-destructive presidency, combined with conservative ideological zealotry in Congress, had broken the longstanding GOP loyalty of college-educated, suburban voters, and that this group would reliably support Democrats going forward. It would take several more electoral cycles for the implications of this switch to become obvious. But by 2036, the Democratic Party—whose middle- and upper-class constituents were deeply disturbed by the impending threat of national bankruptcy—had become the fiscally conservative party. The Republicans, meanwhile, had become the party more supportive of government spending—so long as that spending was on universal social benefits like Social Security and Medicare, as well as the spending programs that were the sole economic lifeline for the 30 percent of the population that still lived in the semi-inhabited small towns and environmentally ravaged rural areas of the American heartland. The peculiar arithmetic of the Electoral College meant that Republicans still commanded super-majorities in the Senate, even though Trump had been the last Republican to occupy the White House. But the Grand Bargain of the 2030s rallied the whole country around the slogan, “Build the Walls!”—the massive seawalls, constructed mostly by the white working class of the heartland, that saved the coastal cities from inundation by rising oceans.

***

The decline of America’s dominance

Michael Kazin is a professor of history at Georgetown University and co-editor of Dissent. He is currently a member of the School of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton where he is writing a history of the Democratic Party.

The slow decline and eventual fall of America’s dominance in the world began with its debacle in Indochina 50 years earlier. But that decline accelerated in 2018. A delusional president who thought his daily threats and boasts could replace shrewd diplomacy was unable and unwilling to prevent China from expanding its markets and influence in East Asia and Africa. Meanwhile, authoritarian leaders in such nations as Hungary, Russia and Iran aggressively carved out their own spheres of influence, undeterred by protests emanating from the State Department and Congress. Dismissive of climate change, Trump’s actions also made that problem a good deal worse, although the massive flooding in Miami Beach, Cape Cod and Norfolk that caused millions to flee those areas in 2021 did not begin until after the president left office. In his one unhappy term in the White House, the man who vowed to “Make America Great Again” made it less powerful and persuasive around the globe and more vulnerable to environmental damage at home.

***

When we realized the past isn’t so past after all

Lizabeth Cohen is the Harvard University Distinguished Service Professor and Howard Mumford Jones professor of American Studies, Department of History.

The year 2018 was notable for giving many Americans a living lesson in history. Let me explain what I mean with two examples. For many of us, our understanding of the deep divisions that led our nation to Civil War in the 1860s is based on textbook explanations of the irreconcilable differences of the past: disputes over the fate of African American enslavement or the extension of slavery into the territories or what kind of economic future the United States would have—a manufacturing-based one dictated by the North or a market-oriented agricultural alternative desired by the South. Suddenly, the election of Trump in 2016 and the two years of his presidency that have followed, particularly the last year, have thrust many of us into the reality of living in a nation severely divided. Certainly, we already knew that there were red and blue Americas, and divergent rural and urban experiences and opportunities. But few of us had any idea how deep were those cultural chasms, how intense were those economic resentments, how sharp were those political disagreements. And both the new social and the traditional media—ranging from Fox to MSNBC—have caricatured and then amplified these distinctive world views, creating echo chambers where our disagreements reverberate and louden. The United States is not on the brink of another civil war—there are still values and commitments that continue to unite us as Americans and institutions like the courts that put checks on the screaming matches. But some days it feels like we are close, particularly when it’s a day when Trump chooses to fuel the divides between his “base” and his enemies, immigrants and “real” Americans, blacks and whites.

The other example I would point to is how recent events have shocked many of us into realizing that we can no longer assume that “it can’t happen here,” that the United States is somehow immune to the kind of fascism that arose in Nazi Germany and traumatized the world in the mid-twentieth century. Here, too, it had been easy to distance ourselves from the past, from the kind of xenophobic, nationalistic and anti-Semitic fervor that had plagued Europe, in particular Germany. But as we have lived through events like the frightening white nationalist march in Charlottesville, the cruel family separations at the Mexican border, the brutal synagogue shootings, the racially motivated killings (including by law enforcement), the deliberate voter suppression, the attacks on a free press, and more, it suddenly seems possible that American democracy too could be seriously jeopardized. And were that to happen, we the American people would have no one to blame but ourselves. As we move into 2019, let us hope that we can learn, in Abraham Lincoln’s words, to be touched “by the better angels of our nature” and reconnect with American aspirations for tolerance, compassion, morality and equality under the law. It is commonplace to say that knowing history helps us understand the present. Today, the present may also be helping us to better understand the past—and to heed its warnings.

***

A Manichean year of rage and violence

Bradley Birzer is a history professor at Hillsdale College.

The United States of America—the most noble attempt at an ordered and free republic since the beheading of the Roman Cicero in 43BC—had not been so polarized since 1968, a full half century earlier. Led by a mercurial president, known more for his passions than his restraint, the people of America found themselves awash in a whirligig of dualistic propaganda, country against city, race against race, gender against genders, and party against party. It was though the ancient Christian heresy of Manicheanism—that which had posited evil the co-equal of good—had once more reared its divisive head. Not surprisingly, the streets of major cities were as violent in action as were the screams in the halls of government. The extremes of left and right predominated, each filled with hatred and rage. Rarely had a people been so strongly at odds with themselves. Though America had found itself the sole world power in 1991, the years following were years of the “forever war,” mostly waged against the peoples (innocent and not) of the Middle and Near-east. There seemed no end of history. As the country militarized abroad, it militarized at home, war becoming the habit of its people. Niggling away at a myriad of conflicts and restless at home, America felt the challenge of other powers in 2018—such as Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran. America’s time had seemingly come and gone. The next few years would prove decisive as a America decided whether or not to lead by example or force.

***

A pivotal year for the American worker

William P. Jones is a professor of history at the University of Minnesota.

2018 was a pivotal year in the history of American workers, both in deepening a half-century-long erosion of income, labor rights and political power and in the rise of new forms of organization and mobilization aimed at addressing those same trends. The year opened with speculation about the potential impact of Janus v. AFSCME, a Supreme Court case that, as expected, delivered a blow to the ability of unions to represent public employees. Coupled with administrative decisions weakening protections for independent contractors, workers employed by franchises and federal employees, and open attacks on immigrant workers, the year saw a continuation of trends going back to the 1970s. Paradoxically, however, 2018 also saw a resurgence of working-class activism that promised to reverse those patterns. Most dramatic was the strike by thousands of teachers in West Virginia, followed by similar protests in Oklahoma, Arizona, Kentucky, North Carolina, Georgia and Colorado. Emerging in conservative states known for low wages and weak labor laws, those actions demonstrated that legal setbacks would not necessarily spell the end of organized labor. Workers also displayed renewed militancy in places where unions were strong; striking against Marriott hotels in Massachusetts, Michigan, California and Hawaii, winning recognition for unions of teaching assistants and contingent faculty at Harvard, Columbia and other colleges, and forcing Amazon to negotiate with Somali immigrant warehouse workers in Minnesota. Finally, unions mobilized politically; defeating Scott Walker, the anti-union governor of Wisconsin, and helping elect a pro-union senator, Jacky Rosen, in Nevada. And increased militancy did not seem to damage the public image of organized labor. Late in 2018, a Gallup poll found that 62 percent of Americans approved of labor unions, up from 56 percent in 2016 and just 48 percent in 2009. After a 50-year decline, the union representation rate held steady and the total number of union members increased.

***

Trump fiddled while the climate burned

Elizabeth Cobbs is professor of American history at Texas A&M University and the author of The Hello Girls: America’s First Women Soldiers.

American politics in 2018 were characterized by a colorful blur of human activity: the #MeToo Movement, the Mueller Investigations, the confirmation of a Supreme Court Justice accused of sexual misconduct and Trump’s declaration that he is “A Tariff Man.” At the global level, nature took center stage. Weighed against five millennia of recorded events, the big story was humanity’s failure to slow climate changes that flooded coastal habitats, sparked fires in dry inland areas, sped the extinction of flora and fauna and devastated food crops. The United States attracted special condemnation as the largest producer of greenhouse gases behind China and greatest consumer of beef behind Australia. American historians focus on domestic squabbles of the era, but world historians highlight the melting of Alaska while Trump opened new public lands to oil exploration, reduced the size of national parks, and waived protections for endangered species. They also point to record-breaking wildfires sparked by drought, and note the parallel to ancient history: Trump fiddled while California burned.

***

The fight between authoritarianism and democracy

David Greenberg is a professor of history and media studies at Rutgers, and author of Republic of Spin: An Inside History of the American Presidency.

In 2018, the fight to beat back populistic authoritarianism and uphold liberal democracy ground on, with no resolution. Countries worldwide elected populists of the left (Mexico) and the right (Italy, Brazil); in Russia and Turkey, Putin and Erdogan shored up power; once-free Eastern European nations like Hungary and Poland slouched toward fascism; reformist hopes in North Korea and Saudi Arabia were dashed. In the U.S., Donald Trump oversaw unending chaos and mendacity, provoking an onslaught of outrage that dispelled worries that his norm-breaking would be normalized. Still, Trump confirmed fears that his reckless hypernationalism amounted to a break from the older Reagan-Bush conservatism—even as most Republicans followed him down his treacherous path. He provoked controversies with his reactionary, heartless immigration policies, clumsy trade wars and short-sighted abandonment of international protocols. Throughout America, a rising intolerance of political difference led to firings, suppression of speech and ugly public confrontations. And mad violence, from Parkland to Pittsburgh, showed how easily rage was now proving lethal, even commingling with ancient hatreds like anti-Semitism. As the year closed some big indicators—abrupt volatility in an otherwise strong economy, Robert Mueller’s prosecutorial doggedness, Democratic election triumphs—signaled that Trump’s strength might be ebbing. But in Europe, the three hitherto-solid Ms of stability—Merkel, May, and Macron—faced major crises of legitimacy, offering paltry grounds for confidence that that, come 2019, the center would hold.

***

A revolt against Republican control

Heather Cox Richardson is a professor of American history at Boston College.

2018 marked a pivotal year in the demise of the political era that began in 1981 with the election of Ronald Reagan. For a generation, Republican leaders had tried to kill New Deal-era government policies that regulated business, protected social welfare and promoted infrastructure. In 2018, in control of Congress and the White House, they enacted their agenda. Congress slashed taxes for the very wealthy, while the Trump administration gutted government regulation and tried to destroy the Affordable Care Act. Since 1981, Republicans had argued that the taxes necessary to pay for an active government simply redistributed money from white men to undeserving minorities, and in 2018, Americans watched attacks on minorities escalate as the Trump administration called immigrants terrorists and incarcerated refugee children in camps, killing at least one. Finally, in October, the administration forced through the Senate confirmation of the highly controversial Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh, who had been credibly accused of sexual assault and whose previous political record was largely concealed during the nomination process. This inspired widespread anger at what appeared to be an attempt to pack the judicial branch for Republicans in violation of norms and precedents. The

extremes of the Republican Party inspired grassroots opposition, especially among women and people of color, and the 2018 midterms were a wave election that flipped 39 seats and put women in 2/3 of them. Overall, 2018 resembled the pivotal year of 1856, when a revolt against the Democratic Party’s control of the federal government in the interests of wealthy southern slaveholders prompted Americans to reject the Democrats and begin the process of taking their democracy back.

***

The year Trump broke the mold

Meg Jacobs teaches history and public affairs at Princeton University.

The year 2018 was when American politics pivoted. At the time, it appeared that Trump took a beating in the midterms, surely in the House, and his approval ratings remained stuck at a low level. Each day the chief executive found himself in greater and greater legal jeopardy. By the end of the year, with some of his chief advisers accepting plea deals for their illegal campaign activities and with Democrats ready to assume their majority standing in the House, it appeared that Trump’s days in office were numbered.

Yet, in hindsight, 2018 turned out to be the moment when Trump finally broke the mold of American politics, a fissure that was in the works for decades. Despite all the indications of declining popularity and rising political vulnerability, Trump remained standing. His durability suggested that, in an age of polarization exacerbated by the fracturing of the media, the traditional markers of political success no longer applied. As a candidate and then as a president, even one under siege, Trump appreciated that no longer did he need to be loved by all or even by a majority of the public, no longer were there consequences to having your own version of the truth, and no apologies were necessary for what half the country, if not more, thought of as unpresidential, if not illegal, behavior.

What mattered most in 2018 was playing to the loyal Trumpian base that voted for the GOP in 2016 and turned elections in Trump’s favor. While the GOP lost the House midterms and Trump’s fear-mongering, Twitter-based outreach backfired in many districts that flipped in favor of the Democrats, the president chose to double-down on a race-based strategy of stirring up anxieties and animosities as part of his populist appeal to white working class Americans. To the extent that the rest of the GOP appreciated the president’s support of tax cuts, deregulation, and other standard Republican policies and felt that this approach would deliver the White House again in 2020, they stuck with him.

It is not that Trump was the true teflon president—rather, he governed in a polarized media-driven atmosphere where many of the norms were changing. He himself helped to rewrite the rules of the game and no one excelled better than he in controlling the news cycle and even generating the cycle. A large part of why Trump won his election and, by his own measures continued to succeed in his first two years in office, was because he knew how to appeal to his segmented base.

When The Apprentice was a hit TV show, it was not for everyone. But millions of fans loved it. Until they didn’t. The downside of a media-based presidency, premised on securing ratings just high enough to hold your audience, was that like the TV show that made him famous, he, too, could jump the shark. While Republicans remained loyal to Trump throughout the year, they had to consider how long to stick with the president before tuning in to a different show, where the cameras turned on the star and they said “you’re fired.” Either way 2018 proved that Trump could stir hatreds, engage in intentionally shocking and possibly treasonous behavior, whip his supporters into an appreciative frenzy, and yet command support among Republicans. While historians might cringe, the base got exactly what it wanted, and Trump started 2019 thinking ahead to his 2020 reelection campaign.

***

The year of cruelty

Mary L. Dudziak is the Asa Griggs Candler professor of law at Emory University School of Law.

2018 will be remembered as the year of cruelty. The United States separated thousands of migrant children from their families, and created prison camps for them. The country aided Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen resulting in a humanitarian catastrophe seen in images of starving children. Trump refused to sanction or even criticize Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman for the brutal murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Trump told Californians devastated from the loss of homes and loved ones to fire that the tragedy was, in essence, their own fault. He said the same to victims of mass shootings. The list goes on and on—there is too much cruelty for one paragraph. Congress, and the American people, aided the president’s cruelty by failing to do whatever it would take to stop him.

***

Liberal democracy vs. Trumpism

Richard Steigmann-Gall is a history professor at Kent State University.

Many historians of fascism wondered whether 2018 would see a Reichstag Fire moment, when Trump would confect a national emergency or take advantage of a real one, to consolidate dictatorial power. That did not transpire. In fact, the liberal constitutional state continued to function, with a remarkable election result in the midterms which can reliably be understood as a reassertion of parliamentary power in the face of a Strong Man presidency. However, it was a mistake to construe Trump’s failures to consolidate fascist power for a lack of ambition to be a fascist. However well the liberal constitutional state still functions, it was very much in spite of Trump, not because of him. His closest White House advisers—especially Stephen Miller—as well as his fellow travelers in the media, pushed Trump to scornfully defy the rule of law whenever he could. Trump showed no interest in the consensus that is the basis of a true parliamentary democracy, choosing instead time and again to impose his will by fiat until stopped by the legislative or judiciary branches. We could not describe the U.S. government in 2018 as “fascist”—but those who failed to recognize Trump’s fascist aspirations continued to underestimate the danger of Trumpism.

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2018 and the Turning of the Tide?

Timothy Naftali is a history professor at New York University and co-author of Impeachment: An American History. From 2007 to 2011, he directed the Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum.

In the year 2018 the Earth continued to warm, with greenhouse gases reaching their highest level ever. In the greater scheme of things those data points may ultimately matter most. But when thinking of years instead of decades or centuries, 2018 saw the intensification of the struggle in the developed world between the ideas and movements associated with modernity—of which worrying about climate change is a part—and the forces of reaction, largely defined by nativism, protectionism and an aversion to science. In the United States, the struggle largely centered on the id and reputation of one man, Donald J. Trump, a provincial New York City developer and reality TV star, who won a hard-fought campaign in 2016 by a total of less than 100,000 votes in three key states.

Over the course of 2018 the U.S. government experienced more turmoil at its highest level that at any time since the Watergate-sodden year of 1973. Trump forced out his secretary of state, secretary of defense, attorney general, national security advisor, chief of staff and secretary of interior. Meanwhile his personal lawyer in the White House, the White House counsel, the director of the National Economic Council, the director of White House Communications, the director of the Environmental Protection Agency and the permanent U.S. representative to the United Nations also chose to leave.

In foreign policy, the collapse of Trump’s first national security team heightened the significance of the whims of the occupant of the Oval Office. As a result, for the first time since 1945, the United States was like an aircraft carrier with three of its four propellers broken. Many of those fired or forced out had tried to preserve some of the traditional U.S. commitment to a liberal security environment by softening or redirecting the president’s preference for an amoral, transactional, protectionist and unilateral approach to the world. In each case, Trump prevailed. The vanity and stubbornness that prevented him from taking domestic advice, however, made Trump a soft target for foreign flattery. After berating and baiting North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un early in the year, Trump abruptly changed course and ushered in a love fest at a summit in Singapore. Neither approach moved Kim toward unilateral nuclear disarmament as predicted by Trump. At a joint press conference a month later, Trump embraced Vladimir Putin’s worldview in—at best—a childish attempt to show his domestic fans that the U.S. intelligence community, which consistently warned (and leaked) about the Kremlin’s malevolent intentions, was not getting the better of him. At the end of the year, Trump did favors for both the strongmen of Saudi Arabia and Turkey. Excusing one for killing dissident journalist Jamal Khashoggi on Turkish soil and then paying off the aggrieved Turkish leader by withdrawing U.S. troops from Syria to allow him to finish off his enemies—the Kurds—there. In both cases, Trump’s willfulness signaled the strategic and moral bankruptcy of U.S. leadership. Meanwhile China fought back against Trump’s reflexive steel tariffs by targeting industries critical to Trump’s electoral base, later contributing to historic Democratic gains in the farm belt. Even allies figured out how to play the Child-Emperor. Both Mexico and Canada convinced Trump that by renaming the North American Free Trade Agreement and making microscopic changes he could declare victory on that front, despite having repeatedly called NAFTA “perhaps the worst trade deal ever made” and promising to tear it up. As Trump raged at the world and came up empty, the deaths this year of Senator John McCain and former President George H. W. Bush, both lions of U.S. global responsibility, put a fine and solemn point on this historical moment being, at least temporarily, the close of a 75-year era of U.S. foreign engagement.

In the first year of the Trump crisis, observers—including this historian—had hoped that senior presidential advisers, nonpartisan civil servants and traditionally Republican Congressional leaders would be willing and able to contain the worst instincts of the novice president. The second year showed that the most effective containment would have to come from newly-empowered Democrats, the Judiciary and the results of the ongoing Mueller investigation. In the November midterm elections some of the political laws of gravity had held and public revulsion toward Trump translated into a blue wall of support, allowing Democrats to win about 40 House seats and take the majority. Although the year saw Trump put a second Justice on the Supreme Court—whose confirmation hearing highlighted the sectarian fervor of Trump supporters who passionately embraced a deeply flawed human being for a lifetime appointment—he had no more success with the third branch of government in 2018 than in 2017. Indeed, in 2018 the Judiciary buttressed the work of the Mueller inquiry, arguably the institution that most symbolized that the US constitutional system was not buckling under Trump. Despite a torrent of invective from the president, the former FBI Director Robert Mueller and his team of nonpartisan lawyers continued their investigation of Russian influence in the 2016 election. The indictment and sentencing of the Trump family lawyer, Michael Cohen, would not have been possible in the authoritarian regimes that the president so admired. In Turkey, Russia or Saudi Arabia it would be the prosecutor who disappeared to a cell or worse. But in the United States despite Trump, it was not only Cohen who faced justice but prosecutors left breadcrumbs leading to the Oval Office itself.

As the year ended, the victory of the Democratic Party in the midterm election (with its promise of subpoena-led investigations and accountability), the hollowing out of the Trump regime, the president’s consistently low approval ratings, and the possibility that the Mueller inquiry would produce evidence of Trump as an unindicted co-conspirator either in financial crimes or collusion with Russia signaled for some observers that the tide in the United States, at least, had turned against the nativist wave of 2016. On the other hand, there was no reason to believe that the dark populism of Trumpism was fading outside American cities and suburbs or that Trump and his acolytes were doing anything but digging in for a long struggle, whatever the political, human or economic costs to the nation or the world.

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7 of 2018’s worst fashion trends

2018 was a year for bad takes, but also for pretty awful fashion trends. 

The ’90s revival has been fun, but let’s leave the aughts in the aughts. This year saw a resurgence in horrors like low-rise jeans, boot cuts, and the most disastrous of all, Uggs. And in addition to reviving trends that we wish had stayed in the early 2000s, 2018 saw a slew of new terrible trends, too. 

SEE ALSO: 8 terrible jeans that prove denim has gone too far

Here are seven fashion trends of 2018 that just shouldn’t exist. 

1. Boot cut jeans

Sorry, but what human being looks good in boot cut jeans? They’re not as secure as skinny jeans and they aren’t as saucy as flared jeans — boot cuts are just awkwardly large. Twitter users immediately trashed GQ for claiming it was “only a matter of time” before a comeback for the hideous pants. 

2. Thigh high Uggs

Worn by pop culture icons like Rihanna and Dua Lipa, Uggs are making a comeback in the worst possible form: thigh highs. YouTuber Safiya Nygaard called wearing them “like wading through peanut butter.” The monstrosity, a collaboration between Ugg and Y/Project, costs a casual $1,380. 

3. Oddly tiny fanny packs

Oh, so we’re back to those weird cellphone holsters that every dad seems to own. A cross between fanny packs and the pouch that held your father’s flip phone in 2010, these absurdly tiny “belt bags” can hold little more than an iPhone. What’s the point? 

4. Sock sneakers

Cardi B may have immortalized the sock heel with “I like those Balenciagas, the ones that look like socks,” but it’s time for the sneaker version of the trend to die. At least you’ll never have to scrounge around your dresser for mismatched socks again — these babies have them built in! 

5. Tiny sunglasses 

<img alt=""I think we will regret this tiny sunglasses look" – Mindy Kaling" class="" data-credit-name="Roberi & Fraud” data-credit-provider=”custom type” data-fragment=”m!9a57″ data-image=”http://bit.ly/2SpAqEy; data-micro=”1″ src=”https://i.amz.mshcdn.com/R7axd3GN7pBWLMYrdZKsL3Xzci8=/fit-in/1200×9600/https%3A%2F%2Fblueprint-api-production.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fuploads%2Fcard%2Fimage%2F906324%2Fb81a4b48-d7a4-4003-9b4f-3bcbf960ad18.png”&gt;

Image: Roberi & Fraud

I think we will regret this tiny sunglasses look

— Mindy Kaling (@mindykaling) May 14, 2018

If you’ve ever wanted to look like a vengeful evil genius seeking reparations for a traumatic childhood, maybe the trend is for you. But Mindy Kaling tweeted what we were all thinking: “We will regret this tiny sunglasses look.” The absurd tiny sunglasses need to fade into oblivion into 2019 — seriously, do they even protect your eyes? 

6. Low-rise jeans

<img alt="Let's leave these in 2006." class="" data-credit-name="rag and bone/intermix” data-credit-provider=”custom type” data-fragment=”m!3464″ data-image=”http://bit.ly/2AioQUU; data-micro=”1″ src=”https://i.amz.mshcdn.com/UeD_nOU-yHhD5XbdT2XuMQiam2M=/fit-in/1200×9600/https%3A%2F%2Fblueprint-api-production.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fuploads%2Fcard%2Fimage%2F906346%2F935a169d-c1b2-4a5a-95fb-d5eeb1a1a351.png”&gt;

Image: rag and bone/intermix

Unless you’re pop sensation Britney Spears, it’s physically impossible to comfortably exist while wearing low-rise jeans. You’re either stuck with a horrific wedgie or flashing your buttcrack every time you sit down. Can we leave this trend buried in 2006, please?  

7. Plastic boots

Top Shop infuriated the internet with its clear jeans last year, if the plastic horror show could even be considered “jeans.” But the fashion industry has been churning out clear plastic apparel all through 2018, and created the most cursed accessory to fall upon this world: clear plastic boots. And as Vogue points out, these heeled boots, although kind of cool, are awful for your feet. The more your sweat, the more these heat traps steam up. 

Can we leave all of these awful trends in 2018? 

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How Benedict Cumberbatch transformed himself into the mastermind behind Brexit

Regardless of what side of the proverbial Brexit fence you’re sitting on, I think there’s one thing we can all agree on: things are a little bit of a mess right now. In the past few weeks alone, it’s been an exceptionally tumultuous time in UK politics — from a leadership challenge to the growing prospect of leaving the EU without a deal. 

SEE ALSO: Theresa May getting locked in a car pretty much sums up how Brexit’s going

But, just when you thought you couldn’t bear to hear that cursed six-letter b-word again, Channel 4 is serving up a dollop of referendum-themed drama starring Benedict Cumberbatch and Rory Kinnear. 

The idea of sitting through a fictionalised version of how the Brexit sausage got made is probably enough to make any of us expire through sheer exasperation. Brexit: The Uncivil War is a feature film delving into the data-driven political campaign behind the most seismic and divisive referendum in modern British history. Cumberbatch stars as Vote Leave’s campaign director Dominic Cummings — a man David Cameron is said to have called a “career psychopath” and who many Remainers might consider a real-life villain. Cumberbatch’s rendering of the political strategist behind the operation is slightly more nuanced and, well, unvillain-like, however. 

Benedict Cumberbatch as Dominic Cummings.

Benedict Cumberbatch as Dominic Cummings.

Image: channel FOUR

When the trailer for Brexit dropped, an almighty uproar descended as many viewers felt the trailer smacked of glamorisation of a figure who spearheaded a campaign that was subsequently found to be in breach of electoral law. Among other criticisms, there’s also, ya know, the fact that we’re still actually living through Brexit — and the outcome is, to a certain extent, still up in the air. Too soon?

“Whether he was motivated by political ambition or not, by the time I met him, I met an incredibly happy man who certainly wasn’t posing.”

Despite being a Remainer himself, Cumberbatch wanted to show the human side of Cummings. He brings Sherlockian elements into his portrayal — you see Cummings sitting in a broom cupboard in the dark, scribbling his musings onto the door. You see him, in the very nascent beginnings of the campaign, calling out the names of famous leaders from history to draw inspiration from their leadership strategy. Is this the work a somewhat scruffy, understated genius or the self-aware musings of a pseudo-intellectual? Hard to tell. 

The real-life Cummings hired Canadian digital firm AggregateIQ — a company that reportedly had “undisclosed links” to Cambridge Analytica — to unleash targeted political advertising on Facebook. Cummings was quoted on AIQ’s website as saying, “we couldn’t have done it without them,” and attributes the success of the Leave campaign to AIQ’s contributions. 

The Vote Leave campaign was this year found to have broken electoral law by the UK’s Electoral Commission after a nine month investigation. The investigation found that Vote Leave broke the law by exceeding its £7M spending limit by channelling £675,000 into a pro-leave youth group. 

A 'Vote LEAVE' battle bus is parked outside the Houses of Parliament in Westminster.

A ‘Vote LEAVE’ battle bus is parked outside the Houses of Parliament in Westminster.

Image: Jack Taylor/Getty Images

So, how exactly does one go about trying to get inside the head of the man who spearheaded the aforementioned campaign? Simple. Cumberbatch went and met him, of course.

Screenwriter James Graham told Mashable that Cummings was reluctant to meet initially because he was concerned the script would be heavily pro-Remain — an idea Cummings was eventually disabused of. When Cumberbatch finally met Cummings, he met a man who, funnily enough, was pretty unhappy about the way Brexit was panning out. 

“Whether he was motivated by political ambition or not, by the time I met him, I met an incredibly happy man who certainly wasn’t posing,” said Cumberbatch. “He seemed to be incredibly content being at home with his family. So I was surprised but I didn’t feel I was meeting a politico.”

“I felt I was meeting someone who still had great convictions and idealism who is pretty distraught about how it’s turning out,” Cumberbatch continued. “That was in the summer and he was most distraught about what he felt he wasn’t being delivered because of the way the politics was grinding down the results in his eyes.”

“I felt I was meeting someone who still had great convictions and idealism who is pretty distraught about how it’s turning out.”

But, aside from his current take on how Brexit’s going, Cumberbatch also wanted to get inside Cummings’ headspace to understand questions like: “What makes you tick? Who inspired you at school? What’s your favourite colour? Do you prefer bitter or lager? Who do you support? Are you a swimmer or a walker? What do you do to burn off steam?” 

Cumberbatch also watched two pieces of footage of the man himself on Youtube ad nauseum to try to mimic his mannerisms, posture, and his “very particular Durham dialect,” and “his way of holding himself in public.” And he spoke to staff who worked alongside Cummings on the campaign to gain an idea of what the man was like behind closed doors. “One of the most striking things was how calm and composed they said he was throughout the entire campaign,” said Cumberbatch. “He has a very even spirit level.”

Watching Brexit: The Uncivil War you’ll notice the campaign directors of Remain and Leave are agreed on one thing: regarding Brexit as a binary is very misguided. Both appear to agree that it’s more nuanced and complicated than that. Your relationship with this film will likely be just as complicated. 

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