How Chicago’s ‘J-school of the Streets’ Is Reinventing Local News

CHICAGO—The reinvention of local journalism started on a very long commute.

In the fall of 2014, Andrea Hart, a Chicagoland native who worked for the education nonprofit Free Spirit Media, invited Darryl Holliday to speak about local reporting with her 15 young adult students. The 28-year-old DNAinfo crime reporter had been working on a book of graphic journalism that told the story of Kedzie Avenue, one of Chicago’s longest streets. One of Hart’s students, it turned out, commuted nearly two hours from the far south side to a college prep high school near Kedzie. Shortly thereafter, Holliday was riding the train into the city with that student—learning from her as she recorded an interview for a piece about the experience.

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Hart and Holliday soon bonded over their respective frustrations about the media. He hoped to change how Chicago newsrooms often used “deficit language”—words like poor, minority, or crime-ridden—to describe predominantly black and Latino neighborhoods on Chicago’s south and west sides. Hart, then 28, felt local news needed to have “a really honest, explicit, unapologetic assessment of the problems in journalism: newsrooms are racist. They’re not equitable because they only have white people.” She also believed training young diverse journalists could ultimately change the culture of newsrooms.

As Chicago’s media battled the problems facing many newsrooms nationwide, from job cutbacks (U.S. newsrooms shrunk at a rate of 24 jobs a day from 2008 to 2017) to the stalled quest for diversity, Hart and Holliday brainstormed potential ways to mend local journalism. Chicago’s shrinking media landscape had spawned a new wave of independent outlets like DNAinfo a hyperlocal news site that shuttered in 2017 and Chalkbeat Chicago, an education-focused outlet. Instead of recreating the structure of traditional newsrooms, they decided upon an incubator space where experienced reporters would be paired with emerging journalists from communities that historically had been ignored or misrepresented in news coverage.

The following year, City Bureau formally launched a pilot fellowship, which mentored different “tracks” of journalists—in high school, college, and in the early parts of their career—on how to better cover their neighborhoods. Joined by two other youthful veterans of the trade—Harry Backlund, publisher of the South Side Weekly, and Bettina Chang, an editor who had worked for Chicago, DNAinfo Chicago, and Pacific Standard—they recognized the potential for civic journalism. Chicago residents, too, grasped the importance of building a pipeline of journalists from a set of varied racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds. And funders, including the Chicago-based Robert C. McCormick Foundation, helped City Bureau raise a total of $77,500 that first year to build what would later be called the “j-school of the streets.”

“We didn’t have to convince people that there wasn’t lack of diversity,” Backlund, 30, said. “Everybody knew. Media organizations knew. Residents knew.”

For the past three years, City Bureau has trained over 80 journalists, producing more than 110 stories, including nuanced pieces about nationally watched scandals in Chicago, such as the stalled efforts to enact police reforms following high-profile officer-involved shootings, as well as deeper exposes into how government has failed to protect communities from toxins in their walls and water pipes. Similarly, City Bureau has co-published stories in every kind of news source, from smaller local outlets (Chicago Reader, Chicago Defender, WBEZ 91.5-FM) to some of the world’s largest publications. (The Guardian, The Atlantic, New York Times). City Bureau’s alumni have gone on to secure other fellowships—including at The Intercept and ProPublica—while others have landed full-time positions with Chicago-based outlets like In These Times and USA Today’s “The City.”

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But City Bureau didn’t just bring the community members into the newsroom; it brought the newsroom out to the wider community. City Bureau opened their newsroom each week to the public, providing community members with an in-depth look into a journalistic process that residents believed had often disregarded their priorities. By redefining how communities engaged with reporters, the founders hoped this new model could inspire heightened levels of civic engagement. Beyond that, they created a program called “Documenters” that paid Chicagoans to cover long-ignored back halls of government.

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In recent years, Chicago, a deep blue city whose mayor once served as President Obama’s chief of staff, has drawn the ire of President Trump—who has sought to frame the Windy City as a symbol of urban dysfunction, one caused by failed Democratic policies, and of skewed reporting by media outlets he loves to deride as “fake news.” But City Bureau, while acknowledging the historical failures of coverage by the media, has nevertheless bet big on the idea that more local journalism is also a solution to problems besetting these communities. In the process, Backlund, Chang, Hart, and Holliday discovered that by making better, more diverse newsrooms; they may be helping to save communities that have suffered from decades of inadequate coverage.

“I don’t see a future for local news unless we figure out a new model,” says Carrie Brown-Smith, director of the City University of New York’s social journalism master’s program. “There are a lot of individual newsrooms doing these kinds of [engagement] projects. But it’s rare for it to be infused in the DNA of a whole organization instead of one-off project.”

Last year, City Bureau won a $1 million grant from the The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, which is now helping to spread its model of community-centered journalism to states from Mississippi to Michigan. On the heels of a recent award from the Reporters Committee for the Freedom of the Press—for advancing “values that strike at the core purpose of our First Amendment”City Bureau recently launched its biggest project yet, Documenters.org, a volunteer-coded website that compiles information about hundreds, if not thousands, of public meetings into a single centralized site. The new site—which now helps residents more easily get to meetings or, if they miss one, get information after the fact—has the potential to push City Bureau’s influence into even more cities and states. But as excited as the founders are about that wider reach, they believe City Bureau’s ultimate measure of success will always hinge on their work in Chicago.

“City Bureau is putting the power of journalism into the hands of regular people,” said Manny Ramos, a former City Bureau fellow, who now writes about the south and west sides for the Chicago Sun-Times. “They’re trying to show communities: We’re going to report on tough issues, and we’re going to hold ourselves accountable to you. We want to hear your voice.

***

A curious 23-year-old with bushy eyebrows, Sebastián Hidalgo was just the kind of aspiring journalist City Bureau’s founders hoped they could reach. A self-taught photographer, Hidalgo had earned a little money freelancing for small outlets, covering everything from street festivals to an anti-Trump rally. But he had ambitions to document a much richer story of Pilsen, the historic Mexican-American neighborhood where he had grown up. He knew there was more to life there than just the shootings that larger news organizations tended to focus on, if they bothered to cover the neighborhood at all. He well understood the trauma of gang violence—he had almost been shot himself on the way home from an assignment—but he also saw the pain of families forced out by gentrification.

Desperate for professional guidance, and the support of like-minded colleagues, he applied for a 10-week fellowship at City Bureau.

“As a photojournalist, you’re usually by yourself,” Hidalgo said. “City Bureau was offering me work with a team—a learning process where I would be paired with experienced journalists. This was going to allow me to grow in a way I hadn’t before.”

In the fall of 2017, Hidalgo teamed up with three other fellows to document an experimental court in Chicago’s North Lawndale neighborhood that used peace circles to arbitrate cases involving nonviolent crimes instead of traditional judges and juries. He was encouraged to follow his photographic instincts as well as his personal ethical compass about how to capture the lives of his subjects while still respecting their humanity.

“You build trust in communities by showing up to meetings, talking to people, sharing reporting, and asking for feedback,” said Jenny Simeone-Casas, a producer for USA Today’s “The City” podcast, one of the program’s professional mentors. “[Hidalgo] brought a lot of that to this project.”

As he photographed North Lawndale, Hidalgo also received help selecting images for his project on Pilsen. His mentors at City Bureau urged Hidalgo to follow his instincts to avoid tired imagery—mothers wailing near yellow crime tape, a chalk outline of a body in the street. One night in August 2017, at the scene of a shooting near Harrison Park—one of five he had witnessed in a three-week span—he was able to use his empathy for his subjects to produce more powerful work. Hidalgo had approached Jezebel Patlan, the sister of the 16-year-old victim, when he saw her lifting the police tape. He offered his condolences, told her he was a photojournalist from the community and asked her permission to take pictures. She agreed.

“I didn’t want to photograph a bloody mess—it served no purpose,” Hidalgo said. “But in a way, Jezebel became this representation of what it looks like and what it feels like to go through something like that. That was very important.”

Hidalgo’s experience was emblematic of a phenomenon that researchers from the University of Texas had found in 2018 when they surveyed residents of the west and south sides who said they felt “underrepresented or poorly represented” in local news compared to north side residents. Yet despite their experience of receiving negative coverage, those same residents—just like Jezebel Patlan—were more willing than northside residents to be engaged with news organizations. But some were also suspicious that it would do any good. Faced with that occasional skepticism, City Bureau’s founders emphasized the ways their training might improve the lives of residents. “We weren’t asking for something back,” Holliday said. “We were being additive.”

An early example of that came in 2016 when Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s police accountability task force released its nearly 200-page report following the death of black teenager Laquan McDonald by a white police officer. City Bureau asked its readers for help. Partnering with civic-minded tech startup Smart Chicago and the journalism production company Invisible Institute, City Bureau paid half a dozen people—including journalists, lawyers, and students—to conduct interviews, dig through reports, and analyze public documents. The hope was to provide context to a dense report that might not otherwise be read. Five days later, the “Documenters” had annotated the report on Genius, a platform typically used for providing context around rap lyrics, and shared it with the public. More than 1,000 people viewed it that first week and dozens added comments. Later, they presented their work in public talks and classroom presentations, where they showed students how to enter their comments about their encounters with police.

“We aimed to be thorough and digestible,” Chang, 30, said. “It was more than just a summary with five takeaways. It became something where Mike from West Englewood could say: ‘This happened to me in 2015, I filed a report, and no one ever followed up with me.’ Suddenly, it was right in front of you.”

City Bureau made Documenters a permanent program to train residents—ages 16 to 73—to cover public meetings like professional journalists. Documenters like Englewood native Samantha Smylie, a recent graduate of Oberlin College, have learned how to take notes, analyze data, and share newsworthy information on social media. In early 2018, Smylie was paid about $15 an hour to attend a Chicago Public Schools meeting and submit her notes to the City Bureau staff, which then made the notes available to the public. Some Documenters have covered public meetings simply as a way to become more civically engaged. But for aspiring journalists like Smylie, participation in the Documenters program can lead toward admission into City Bureau’s civic reporting fellowship.

“As someone who didn’t go to j-school, I didn’t know how a story was made,” said Smylie, who later became a City Bureau fellow, and has landed freelance assignments in local publications like Block Club Chicago, which provides hyper-local coverage of the city’s neighborhoods. “Now I can reverse engineer a story. I can follow a story. I can figure out those things.”

On a recent Wednesday night in Experimental Station, a nonprofit community center near the edge of University of Chicago’s campus, Chang, one of City Bureau’s co-founders, led 10 fellows through a brainstorming session on the places where people get information about local elections. The fellows broke into smaller groups to discuss their projects. At one table, Michael Romain, Annie Nguyen and Aaron Allen compared notes about their reporting on the upcoming elections in a far west side neighborhood. Chang slid into a chair to hear their ideas. They started selling Chang on a profile of an alderman candidate whose bid had been denied four years earlier after someone challenged the signatures she needed to declare candidacy. (The candidate had described the move as “typical Chicago electioneering.” The person who contested her signatures was a political operative who, years earlier, had consulted for the incumbent, according to a 2015 DNAinfo article.)

“It’s about bigger issues of who’s holding – and retaining – power on the west side of the city,” said Allen, a recent college graduate from the city’s west side.

“It’s sort of a David and Goliath story,” adds Romain, a Chicagoan who works as the editor of the Austin Weekly News, a hyper-local paper focused on west Chicago neighborhood of Austin. “It shows what a neighborhood political machine is.”

Chang peppered the fellows with questions: How do we know the probe is frivolous? How are you going to tell this story? How much reporting have you done?

Satisfied with the answers, she asked one final question: “Where do you want to pitch it?”

***

City Bureau has grown beyond its initial plans of just being a pipeline for more journalists from underrepresented communities.

“People thought we were about diversity—but we were really about equity,” said Holliday. “We need more diversity in newsrooms, certainly. But we also need news to be responsive to communities.”

City Bureau has hosted more than 90 “public newsrooms”–free weekly meetings where journalists present stories and discuss reporting with community members. The founders are now assisting news organizations like Mississippi Today in launching similar engagement events. Public radio station WDET 101.9-FM has recruited City Bureau to help launch a “Detroit Documenters” program. Last year, WDET trained and paid about a dozen community members to tweet and take notes from education-related meetings. Several other newsrooms have reached out to City Bureau since they released a new website that complies information about locations, agendas, documents for scores of public bodies. On that same site, Documenters can sign up for assignments and upload their meeting recaps.

“Now it becomes a question of how to grow,” said Joe Germuska, executive director of the Knight Lab at Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism, and a City Bureau board member. “How do you share your model but also stay focused on the civic aspects specific to each community?”

While City Bureau’s growth has been fueled by big checks from some of Chicago’s largest foundations, Brown-Smith, of CUNY’s journalism school, remains cautious in her optimism about nonprofit journalism’s future. The traditional ad model is bottoming out, she notes, but the nonprofit model still comes with its own set of sustainability concerns. “There are limits to philanthropic money,” she says. Her point is underscored looking at City Bureau’s latest financial records: Foundations accounted for 90 percent of the nonprofit’s $1.1 million in revenue in 2018. To diversify its funding, City Bureau hired an employee whose main focus is to grow its “press club,” a membership program that offers donors exclusive newsletters, t-shirts, mugs, and a book of City Bureau photography. “We want to have to have as diverse of funding sources of possible,” Backlund says. “The more individual memberships, the better.”

As City Bureau finds its financial footing, its founders are also grappling with how to measure impact in a way that captures not just clicks but civic impact. Holliday concedes that existing digital metrics like Chartbeat, which many news outlets rely on to monitor readership, may not work for City Bureau. At the same time, Hart believes that civic engagement might also be measured beyond just voter turnout: “How do you spend your money? Where do you go to meetings? How are you showing up [to events]?”

City Bureau’s founders hope that, with enough engagement, disenfranchised Chicagoans will be able to hold institutions accountable and dissuade wrongdoing. Holliday would like to see City Bureau’s suite of civic journalism services eventually function as an “early-warning system” resembling ones that warn coastal residents about tsunamis.

“The best thing we can do is put ourselves out of business,” Holliday said. “If every news outlet was thinking along these lines—How do we responsibly report about communities of color that we aren’t currently serving? How do we put resources into cultivating the next generation of journalists?—we wouldn’t need a City Bureau.”

Until that happens, Chicagoans like Hidalgo will rely on City Bureau to help elevate their voices. With the support of his fellowship, Hidalgo compiled a nuanced, intimate portrait of Pilsen: images of children playing in the streets and angry residents yelling over a community center’s closure; low-riders celebrating Mexican Independence Day and students wearing costumes for the Day of the Dead. Last January the New York Times’ Lens blog published a selection of his work.

“I hope my photographs allow an audience to demand and scream for change,” he told the New York Times. “I want them to see with their hearts.”

But the best opportunity to have emerged from his time at City Bureau wasn’t the local and national assignments that followed his New York Times placement. It was one found on the other side of Harrison Park. Last year, a curator for the Pilsen-based National Museum of Mexican Art, who had planned an exhibit examining the neighborhood’s many layers of gentrification, asked if he might show Hidalgo’s work alongside a dozen other artists. He agreed. His photo of Jezebel Patlan now hangs on a gallery wall.

“It’s one thing to report in a community,” Hidalgo said. “It’s another to report for the community.”

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Stephen King creates a Twitter play to brutally mock Donald Trump

Stephen King's latest piece of fiction is a very short play, starring none other than 'Baby Don'.
Stephen King’s latest piece of fiction is a very short play, starring none other than ‘Baby Don’.

Image: Astrid Stawiarz/MANDEL NGAN/AFP/Getty Images/mashable composite

2017%252f09%252f12%252fd7%252fsambw.5d18f%252f90x90By Sam Haysom

There’s no way you’d be able to fit a Stephen King novel into a single tweet, but it turns out you can squeeze in a play. A very short one, at least.

On Wednesday night, the horror master continued his ongoing commentary on the government shutdown by crafting some imagined dialogue between Donald Trump (“Baby Don”) and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (“Mommy Nancy”).

SEE ALSO: 37 of the most brutal Trump burns tweeted by Stephen King in 2018

As you can probably guess, Baby Don doesn’t come out too well.

Baby Don said, “I want to talk and pretend I’m a grownup!”

Mommy Nancy said, “No, Baby Don, you have been bad. You did a tantrum!”

Baby Don said, “WAAAH! I’ll get you, mean old Mommy Nancy!”

Said Mommy Nancy, “Well…you can try.”

— Stephen King (@StephenKing) January 23, 2019

Soon, others were chipping in.

Baby Don: “I’ll show you! Just wait til my Vladdy gets home!”

— Wyatt Campbell (@WritingWyatt) January 23, 2019

This isn’t the first time famous authors have compared Trump to a child throwing a tantrum. Back in 2017, J.K. Rowling added the following caption to a photo of Trump and German Chancellor Angela Merkel, taken during a meeting at which Trump refused to shake Merkel’s hand.

Oh, and then there was that giant inflatable blimp depicting Donald Trump as a baby that was flown over London.

Seems like there’s a pattern here somewhere.

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Cavusoglu: UN rapporteur on Khashoggi case to visit Turkey

Khashoggi was killed by a Saudi hit squad on October 2 shortly after he entered his country's consulate in Istanbul [EPA]
Khashoggi was killed by a Saudi hit squad on October 2 shortly after he entered his country’s consulate in Istanbul [EPA]

Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on Thursday it is time for an international investigation to be launched into the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, adding that a United Nations special rapporteur on the case will visit Ankara soon.

In an interview with a Turkish broadcaster, Cavusoglu said President Recep Tayyip Erdogan ordered preparations to be made to carry the case to an international level.

Meanwhile, speaking at the World Economic Forum in Davos on Thursday, Saudi Finance Minister Mohammed Al-Jadaan said Riyadh will make sure justice will prevail in the Khashoggi trial in his country, adding that he was sad about what happened to the journalist.

Khashoggi, a critic of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) who wrote for The Washington Post, was killed by a Saudi hit squad on October 2 shortly after he entered his country’s consulate in Istanbul.

He was dismembered inside the building in what Turkey called a “premeditated murder” orchestrated with orders from the highest levels of the Saudi government.

Saudi officials have countered that claim, insisting Khashoggi died in a “rogue operation” after initially claiming he had left the consulate before vanishing.

Despite a joint investigation with Saudi officials looking at their consulate in Istanbul, the consul’s residence and several other locations, the whereabouts of Khashoggi’s remains are still unknown.

Extradition demanded

Turkey also wants Saudi Arabia to extradite those accused of carrying out the murder to be tried in Turkish courts.

The Turkish authorities repeated the request after Riyadh announced early this month the start of the trial of 11 defendants, including five who the Saudi prosecution is seeking the death penalty for.

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said on Sunday his country was still gathering facts to uncover those involved in Khashoggi’s killing.

In a television interview with the US media group, Sinclair, he said the relationship with Saudi Arabia could be maintained and those responsible for Khashoggi’s killing should be held accountable.

SOURCE:
News agencies

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Samsung’s Galaxy S10 may come with a cryptocurrency wallet

According to a new leak, you'll be able to store your cryptocurrencies in a native wallet on Samsung's Galaxy S10.
According to a new leak, you’ll be able to store your cryptocurrencies in a native wallet on Samsung’s Galaxy S10.

Image: Mashable

2016%252f09%252f16%252f6f%252fhttpsd2mhye01h4nj2n.cloudfront.netmediazgkymdezlza1.53aea.jpg%252f90x90By Stan Schroeder

Samsung might be embracing crypto in a big way. 

Photos posted by leaker of mobile things Ben Geskin allegedly show a Samsung Galaxy S10 feature called the “Samsung Blockchain KeyStore,” which allows users to import a cryptocurrency wallet or create a new one. 

SEE ALSO: Leaked images show what Samsung Galaxy S10 might look like

The feature is located in the phone’s “Biometrics and security” menu. Its description says “Samsung Blockchain KeyStore is a secure and convenient place for your cryptocurrency,” and it appears to support only Ethereum at the moment. 

The existence of such a feature was first reported by SamMobile, which claims the wallet will also support Bitcoin, Bitcoin Cash, and Ethereum-based ERC20 tokens. 

While there are plenty of third-party cryptocurrency wallets to choose from on Android, a built-in crypto wallet from Samsung is a pretty big deal. It comes at a time when several companies, including Sirin Labs, Sikur and HTC, are starting to sell cryptocurrency-oriented phones. And even though the crypto market is in a big slump, price-wise, things are moving forward in terms of development and adoption.

The new leak also gives us another good look at the phone, with the hole-punch camera clearly visible in the upper right corner. It’s nothing we haven’t seen before, though, and Geskin didn’t share any additional new info about the phone. 

As for the S10’s specs and features, here’s a quick rundown: It’ll come in three sizes (see leaked photo above), with the most powerful of the bunch being a 6.4-inch phone with three rear cameras, a dedicated Neural Processing Unit (NPU) as part of a new Exynos chip, wireless charging, and an in-display fingerprint sensor, among other features.

We’ll learn more about the Galaxy S10 at Samsung’s Feb. 20 event in San Francisco.

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‘Derry Girls’ helped me understand my parents’ experience growing up during The Troubles

'Derry Girls' tells the story of what it's like to be a teenager during The Troubles in Northern Ireland.
‘Derry Girls’ tells the story of what it’s like to be a teenager during The Troubles in Northern Ireland.

Image: channel 4

2016%252f09%252f16%252fe7%252fhttpsd2mhye01h4nj2n.cloudfront.netmediazgkymde1lzex.0212f.jpg%252f90x90By Rachel Thompson

They say laughter is the best medicine. I hadn’t really paid mind to the veracity of that statement until early last year, when a rough patch in my life meant laughter was suddenly in short supply. But when I stumbled upon Channel 4 comedy Derry Girls, I found laughter in abundance and a reminder of my Northern Irish parents’ unshakeable sense of humour in even the darkest of hours. 

Derry Girls tells the story of four teenage girls living in Derry, Northern Ireland, in the ’90s during The Troubles — three decades of bloody sectarian conflict between nationalists and unionists. The second season of Derry Girls will air in the UK in spring, and the show recently came to Netflix in the U.S.. Moments into watching Erin, Orla, Clare, and Michelle navigating school life at Our Lady Immaculate convent school, I recognised a kind of humour that felt deeply familiar to me, and which reminded me of my Northern Irish parents.

They’d been teenagers in the ’70s — the bloodiest decade of The Troubles — and it wasn’t until I reached adulthood that they began sharing the full extent of the things they’d witnessed. But, one thing I did know was that even during the very worst of times, that strong Northern Irish spirit — and signature wit — never wavered for a minute. 

A mural in Derry.

A mural in Derry.

Image: David Turnley/Corbis/VCG via Getty Images

In the first few minutes of Derry Girls you see Erin’s “Granda Joe” announce that there’s a bomb on the bridge. A bridge that just so happens to be slap bang in the middle of Erin and her cousin’s bus route to school. “Oh dear God, no,” says Erin’s mother “Ma Mary”. At first, you think this “oh dear God” might be in reference to the fact that there’s a pretty terrifying situation occurring on the bridge — that’s a given — but, no, it’s actually in relation to the possibility of the kids not going to school. “Does this mean they can’t get to school? I’ve had a whole summer of it, Gerry, she’s melting my head,” says Ma Mary. As I laughed, I thought of my own Northern Irish parents and the way they talk about their adolescence “back home,” as they call it. One might characterise this as black humour, maybe even gallows humour. My father tells me this kind of humour was “a vaccine against the miseries” of a generation marred with terrorism. 

“That was normal life to us. You just got on with it.”

In the opening credits of Derry Girls you see an army vehicle driving through country roads — a sight that wouldn’t have been out of the ordinary during Operation Banner, the 38-year British military operation in Northern Ireland that was the longest in British military history. In the first episode, you also witness British soldiers searching the school bus at a military checkpoint. 

“That was normal life to us. You just got on with it,” my father told me after watching the very same episode. “You always had to have ID on you as it could prove tricky at police and army checkpoints.” As my father and I watched the series from our respective sofas, I took the opportunity to ask my parents about their youth on the other side of the Irish Sea. 

My father grew up in Lisburn — eight miles southwest of Belfast — home to Thiepval Barracks, the British Army headquarters in Northern Ireland, which was bombed in 1996. My mother lived in Larne, a town on the north Antrim coast. Growing up during the ’60s and ’70s, their early lives were shaped by this turbulent period of history. Together, they moved to England in the ’80s before I was born and settled in Warwickshire, where they raised me and my younger brother.

A Royal Marines unit patrol through the bombed-out ruins of the Broadway Hotel in Newry, Northern Ireland, 1972.

A Royal Marines unit patrol through the bombed-out ruins of the Broadway Hotel in Newry, Northern Ireland, 1972.

Image: Terence Spencer/The LIFE Picture Collection via

My dad’s childhood and adolescence were shaped by his proximity to the conflict. Just like Derry Girls’ Erin, Orla, Clare, and Michelle, my father’s everyday life at school was affected by bomb threats being called in. “When we had bomb scares at school, we all piled out of class and stood in the tennis courts until the bomb squad gave the all clear,” he told me. “Were you not scared?” I asked, alarmed. “No, just cold and wet because it was usually raining,” he replied. 

There were, of course, times when the violence hit very close to home. The son of an undertaker, my father grew up in a home where the phone would ring in the middle of the night — sometimes it would be the police, ringing to request the collection of a body of someone who’d been killed in the violence. There was also the time his next door neighbour was shot dead in the shop he owned. One of my father’s schoolteachers incurred life-changing injuries after being caught in a bomb blast in Belfast. 

Tight security inspecting cars entering the British Army Northern Ireland headquarters at Lisburn after the 1996 bombing

Tight security inspecting cars entering the British Army Northern Ireland headquarters at Lisburn after the 1996 bombing

Image: Adam Butler – PA Images/PA Images via Getty Images

One particular moment has always stood out in my mind. Easter 1980, my father was sitting in my Nana’s dining room working on a university project when he heard a loud knocking sound. “I thought someone was banging hard on the window, but when I looked, there was no one there,” my dad told me. “Next thing you know there was no window there.” A car bomb had been planted by the IRA in front of the Woodlands Hotel in Lisburn, which not only destroyed the building itself, it also shattered all the glass windows of houses in the vicinity. “Within four or five hours, the windows had been refitted,” my dad added. “Very well organised.” 

The following year, my father had been out having beers in Belfast with his mates when he accidentally entered the Short Strand, a Catholic and Irish nationalist area. “As a member of one community you wouldn’t go into the other community’s territory,” he said. He recalled being stopped by a policeman on foot patrol that night. “He asked me ‘Where are you off to?’ and I said, ‘I’m going up the Newtownards Road to stay with a friend.’” 

“I wouldn’t hang about,” the policeman warned him, before suggesting he take a taxi. “There was no such thing as Uber in 1980s Belfast,” my dad told me. 

My parents, Nancy and Gary, on my dad's 60th birthday.

My parents, Nancy and Gary, on my dad’s 60th birthday.

Image: Rachel thompson

When my mother got her first Saturday job at the supermarket Woolworth’s at the age of 16, she was tasked with searching women’s handbags for incendiary devices as they entered the store. Male members of staff were given handheld devices to check male customers. “I remember it being boring, but only now do I stop and think, what if someone had actually had a bomb in their bag?” my mum told me. “I was just 16!” 

When my mum hung out with her friends when she was at Queen’s University Belfast, she would experience all kinds of security measures. “When I was at uni, there were security gates all around Belfast city centre and I took it for granted that I had to go through these barriers — tall metal fences and turnstile gates — to go shopping for clothes or makeup or go out to a cafe with my mates,” my mum added. “Even inside the barriers, we were still frisked and had additional handbag searches store by store.” 

These are just the experiences of two people, my parents, and they are not representative of everyone’s experiences of living in Northern Ireland at this time. Many people endured deep traumas and personal tragedies during this era. 

Our beloved Derry Girls and “the wee English fella.”

Image: channel 4

I, for one, am indebted to Derry Girls writer and creator Lisa McGee — who’s from Derry, Northern Ireland — for bringing this delightful, hilarious programme into the world. Not only does it shine a light on daily life in an era of history that many people from the “mainland” of Britain might not know very much about, and that’s rarely discussed here, but it also captures the spirit and humour of the people who lived through it. 

Watching Erin’s family chatting to one another and cracking jokes, I laughed, cried, and felt sharp pangs of nostalgia for the summer holidays I spent visiting my grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins “back home” in the ’90s and ’00s. In Erin’s family, I saw my own family. And, for that reason, I’m completely hooked. 

Now streaming on Netflix in the U.S. and on Channel 4 in the UK, the second series of Derry Girls will be gracing our TV screens in the spring. Frankly, if you haven’t got round to watching it, then you jolly well need to get your act together.

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Climate change threatens 1,000-year-old monastery in remote Nepal

Humla District, Nepal – The trans-Himalayan village of Halji is a small collection of about 80 closely packed mud-and-stone houses at the base of a moraine hill. 

Steep cliffs rise on either side of the village that is flanked by a glacial stream on its left. 

By contemporary standards, Halji is extremely remote. It is snowed in and cut off for six months of the year during winter and does not have mobile network connectivity.

The district headquarters, Simikot, is a five-day walk away. And getting to Kathmandu involves an expensive flight from Simikot. 

But for centuries before, the three villages of Limi Valley – Halji, Til and Jang – were the focus of a vibrant caravan trade with neighbouring Tibet and part of the larger sacred landscape surrounding the holy Mount Kailash and Lake Manasarovar.

Located in far western Nepal on the border with China, Limi Valley is an isolated but historically significant region where ancient Tibetan Buddhist culture thrives due to its proximity to Tibet.

At the centre of this rich heritage is the famous 1,000-year-old Rinchenling monastery.

Both the valley’s largest village, Halji, and Rinchenling monastery – the cultural and spiritual centre of Limi – are threatened by climate change today.

“Rinchenling is the oldest and biggest monastery in west Nepal,” says Tsewang Lama, an anthropologist and the only parliament member from this district in Nepal.

“Out of 21 students sent by the king of Guge in west Tibet to translate the texts from India’s Kashmir, during the second renaissance of Buddhism, only two returned – one of whom went on to become the famous translator Rinchen Zangpo (958 – 1055). He built 108 monasteries in his life, one of them is this.”  

Rinchen Zangpo is widely accredited with the second renaissance of Buddhism in Tibet and Halji’s Richenling is one of the last few surviving monasteries from that period. The rest were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, which began in Tibet in 1959.

The monastery tries to keep the community intact because if the village becomes empty, then there will be no one left to look after this important institution upholding Tibetan Buddhism in this remote valley.

Khinraf Lama, Halji villager

Carbon dating of a unique four-fold Vairocana statue supports the claim, placing the monastery in a similar period as Rinchen Zangpo. 

The monastery houses valuable artefacts and relics that are kept hidden; few visitors are allowed to see them because there is a fear antiquities might be smuggled, says Khinraf Lama, a resident of Halji village. 

However, climate change brings a unique problem in the Himalayas, where melting glaciers are feeding newly formed supraglacial lakes – water accumulation on top of glaciers – susceptible to sudden and catastrophic flooding known as glacial lake outburst flood (GLOF).

Halji is in the direct path of a supraglacial lake developed at the end of a glacier over the mountains behind, situated at a distance of 6.5km from the village. 

At least six GLOF events were recorded between 2004 and 2011, the 2011 flooding being the most severe, where a part of the village on the west and large tracts of arable land were washed away rendering it unsuitable for further cultivation.

Rinchenling is the oldest monastery in west Nepal [Neelima Vallangi/Al Jazeera]

The monastery sits merely 30 metres away from the previous flood path, adjoining broken walls of the collapsed houses.

As glacial retreat hastens with rising temperatures, the possibility of another outburst looms large. 

“The changing climate adds the danger of development of supraglacial lakes which are prone to sudden drainage,” says Jan Kropacek, a researcher at the faculty of environmental sciences at Czech University of Life Sciences Prague, who has studied the Limi Valley.

A 2011 report assessed the possibility of GLOF occurrences in Nepal and found out there were at least 1,466 glacial lakes and 21 of these were deemed potentially dangerous. 

In 2016, the Nepal government attempted a risky operation to drain five million cubic metres from the critically flooded Imja Tsho near Mount Everest that endangered the lives of more than 12,000 people downstream. 

While human intervention was required to contain the potential breach at Imja Tsho, nature took its own course towards a temporary respite at Limi valley’s Halji glacier.

“The recurrent GLOF, which rushed down the valley just tens of metres from the [Rinchenling] monastery, has not occurred since 2011,” says Kropacek. “Since 2012, the lake drainage has been altered by a combined effect of ice movement and melting. 

“In the summer of 2018, a change of the lake drainage with respect to the first field visit in 2013 was observed.”

The outlet channels do not seem to close during winter season any longer, causing no meltwater accumulation in the basin currently.

Although, supraglacial lakes close to the ice margin follow a dynamic from evolution to deterioration, which is difficult to predict, according to Kropacek.

Situated at a height of 3,700m in the Trans-Himalayan range, Halji is the largest of three villages in Nepal’s remote Limi Valley [Neelima Vallangi/Al Jazeera]

Following the 2011 flood, gabion walls and sandbags reinforcements have been constructed along the river as well as glacial stream banks in conjunction with local authorities and NGOs.

The monastery’s historical significance helped generate interest and raise funds nationally and internationally which led to concerted efforts to improve the flood resilience of Halji and monastery restoration in recent years.

However, the inherent unpredictability of glacial lake outbursts combined with the rising temperatures present a constant threat.

In a place as remote as Halji, continuous monitoring and improving flood resilience may be the only solution, since mounting an operation to drain a glacial lake in the event of a potential flood is highly unlikely. 

This situation shines a light on the ways climate change endangers not only the tangible resources of a region but also the often overlooked cultural landscape. 

Loss of revered traditions and heritage can profoundly affect isolated and close-knit communities.

Monks resting on the wooden steps of Rinchenling, which is believed to be the last of the 108 monasteries built by the legendary translator Rinchen Zangpo during the second renaissance of Buddhism in Tibet [Neelima Vallangi/Al Jazeera]

In Halji, the monastery is not only seen as a spiritual cornerstone, but it also plays a considerable part in governance and sustenance of the village.

According to Kunchok Dorjee, a 26-year-old resident of the neighbouring Jang village, there is a higher rate of migration in the villages of Jang and Til, but Halji has maintained a healthy population due to the monastery’s strict regulation. 

“The monastery tries to keep the community intact because if the village becomes empty, then there will be no one left to look after this important institution upholding Tibetan Buddhism in this remote valley,” says Khinraf Lama, the Halji villager.

Along with the Arctic and coastal regions, the remote Himalayan communities are also among the first to experience the harrowing effects of rising global temperatures. 

The way this historic monastery, its priceless artefacts, and the Tibetan culture are under threat is emblematic of the larger climate-related issues faced by mountain communities across the Himalayas. 

While Halji has the monastery to attract the attention and action, it raises the question – what happens to vulnerable communities without divine intervention?

This story was produced with the support of a reporting grant from ICIMOD (International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development).

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Ahok, ex-Jakarta governor jailed for blasphemy, released

Depok, West Java, Indonesia – Former Jakarta Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, popularly known as Ahok, has been released from an Indonesian prison nearly two years after being found guilty of blasphemy against Islam.

Photos posted to Instagram on Thursday showed Purnama, 52, in a checked blue shirt in the detention centre’s office signing and exchanging papers.

“The administrative process before release this morning,” the caption read. “Freedom!”

The politician was picked up by his eldest son, avoiding the crowds of journalists and supporters at the main entrance as he left the building. His staff said he had returned to his home in the capital, Jakarta, about an hour away.

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, centre, dances during a campaign rally for the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial elections. [FILE/Dita Alangkara/AP Photo]

Purnama, who denied wrongdoing, was sentenced in 2017 to two-years in prison under Indonesia’s blasphemy law after claims that he had insulted the Quran during campaigning for re-election. The politician, an ethnic Chinese and a Christian, was released more than three months early.

Supporters, who call themselves “Ahokers”, gathered in front of the detention centre from early on Thursday morning. Many dressed in the blue and red checked shirts that were their hero’s signature look.

One of them, Jasmiko, had been waiting since 6am, anxious for Ahok to be freed.

“I came all the way from Jakarta with other supporters,” Jasmiko, who uses only one name, told Al Jazeera. “He’s a great leader and had done a lot for the city.”

He said he hoped Purnama would continue to serve the country, but was sceptical that the former governor would ever lead Jakarta again.

‘Stigma’

As the capital’s top politician from November 2014 until May 2017, Purnama was known as a strong-willed and outspoken campaigner against corruption. His release comes as Indonesia gears up for presidential elections on April 17 where his old ally President Joko Widodo is campaigning for a second term.

But analysts doubt whether Purnama could return to politics, even if he wanted to.

“Of course, Ahok will be associated with the presidential election, but I’m assuming he will enjoy his freedom and will not automatically jump back in to politics,” Adi Prayitno, a political analyst from Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta, told Al Jazeera.

Prayitno said that it could be risky for politicians to associate themselves with Purnama.

“They have to be rational and make a careful consideration, despite him having his loyalists. Because the dislike against Ahok among some in the Muslim community is very strong,” he added.

Purnama’s comments regarding what he believed to be a misinterpretation of certain verses in the Quran created an uproar among hardliners in the archipelago, triggering mass demonstrations in 2016, as tensions rose in Jakarta’s gubernatorial elections. As a Chinese and a Christian, Ahok’s case was seen as a major test of Indonesia’s religious tolerance.

Muslims in Indonesia Protest Over Christian Governor

“The stigma of Ahok as a blasphemer will not immediately go away,” Prasityo said. “It might be a blunder for the political party. It’s difficult when people already bring up religion.”

Call me ‘BTP’

Syamsuddin Haris, a political researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Science, agrees. He thinks Purnama’s experience during the campaign that cost him his freedom will likely steer him away from politics. “I think Ahok will not openly support one of the presidential candidates,” he said.

Nevertheless, in a letter penned a week before his release, Purnama implored his supporters to get out and vote in the coming polls.

“Ahokers don’t be non-voters,” he wrote in the letter that was posted to his Instagram account. “We need to uphold the four pillars of this country, Pancasila (state ideology), the 1945 Constitution, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (unity in diversity), and the republic of Indonesia.”

He also asked to be called BTP – his initials – instead of Ahok as part of the process of starting life anew after prison.

Jasmiko (from centre) and Freddy (in cap at rear) awaiting the release of former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama from detention in Jakarta [Amanda Siddharta/Al Jazeera] 

Supporter Freddy Njoto said he was relieved that the politician, a divorced father of three, had been released.

“I’m just glad he is free,” he said. “Now, he can continue his fight against corruption and to serve the country, and be a good father to his children.”

Tuti, who uses only one name, had travelled from Jakarta in the hope of seeing Purnama. She was disappointed when she found out he had left, but said he remained a hero to her.

“He’s a great man,” she told Al Jazeera as she wiped away tears. “He cares about so many people, cares about the poor, he built cheap housing, eradicates corruption. What more do you want? And people put him in jail.”

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Stephen Colbert breaks down where we’re at with Trump’s State of the Union address

Nobody’s quite sure whether or not we’re going to have a State of the Union address, but at the very least, Stephen Colbert has broken down where we’re at.

The Late Show host detailed the situation, especially Donald Trump’s correspondence with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi in his monologue on Wednesday, complete with one perfect Homeward Bound joke.

Colbert noted that reports say Trump could issue the SOTU at a rally, so the Late Show team created one heck of an ad for it.

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Trump postpones state of union address until shutdown is over

US President Donald Trump said in a late-night Tweet on Wednesday that he would wait until the government shutdown was over to deliver a State of the Union address from the House of Representatives.

Trump also criticised House leader Nancy Pelosi for withdrawing a previous invitation to deliver the address.

The House Speaker said she changed her mind because of the shutdown, which has lasted more than a month and affected 800,000 federal workers.

“This is her prerogative – I will do the Address when the Shutdown is over. I am not looking for an alternative venue for the SOTU Address because there is no venue that can compete with the history, tradition and importance of the House Chamber,” the president said in the tweet.

In a letter to Trump on Wednesday, Pelosi said: “I am writing to inform you that the House of Representatives will not consider a concurrent resolution authorising the president’s State of the Union address in the House chamber until government has opened.”

Passage of such a resolution is required before the president can speak in the House.

The speech had been set for January 29.

Trump had said earlier on Wednesday he planned to deliver the State of the Union address in the House chamber as scheduled, rejecting Pelosi’s request that he delay it.

In an escalation of rhetoric that essentially dared Pelosi to uninvite him, Trump told her in a letter, which the White House released earlier on Wednesday, that he was “looking forward” to giving the speech, an annual event in American politics.

“It would be so very sad for our Country if the State of the Union were not delivered on time, on schedule, and very importantly, on location!” Trump wrote.

Longest shutdown in history

The ongoing partial government shutdown, the longest of its type in US history, came into effect over Trump’s demand for billions of dollars in funding to erect a wall on the US-Mexico border.

Entering into its 34th day on Thursday, furloughed federal employees, unions and others have expressed anger over being forced to work without pay or not being permitted to work at all.

On Saturday, Trump offered to temporarily extend protections for young undocumented individuals brought to the country as children, as well as that of Temporary Protection Status holders in exchange for border wall funding.

Before the plan was officially announced, Democrats decried it as “unacceptable” and “inadequate”, calling it “a compilation of several previously rejected initiatives”.

Conducted between January 18 and 22, a Politico/Morning Consult poll found that only seven percent of voters support “dedicating funding to a border wall if it was the only way to end the government shutdown”.

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Is James Harden the Best Offensive Player Ever?

PHILADELPHIA, PA - JANUARY 21:  James Harden #13 of the Houston Rockets handles the ball against the Philadelphia 76ers on January 21, 2019 at the Wells Fargo Center in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania NOTE TO USER: User expressly acknowledges and agrees that, by downloading and/or using this Photograph, user is consenting to the terms and conditions of the Getty Images License Agreement. Mandatory Copyright Notice: Copyright 2019 NBAE (Photo by Jesse D. Garrabrant/NBAE via Getty Images)

Jesse D. Garrabrant/Getty Images

To get anywhere interesting in the discussion about James Harden‘s place in NBA history, you have to accept the idea that “best” isn’t a fixed descriptor. It’s a mantle that changes hands all the time as the game advances.

If your reaction to the idea of Harden being the best offensive player ever is to immediately dismiss it without thought, this isn’t for you.

Chances are, you also missed him scoring a career-high 61 points against the New York Knicks in Houston’s 114-110 victory Wednesday night, extending an offensive run the likes of which we’ve never seen.

So if you’re intrigued by the thought that Harden might be unprecedentedly good, and if you’re flexible in your thinking, and if you’re not hung up on Wilt Chamberlain’s cartoon stats or Michael Jordan’s mystique or the cult of Kobe Bryant hero worship, you can appreciate the validity of the question.

You can also get along with Houston Rockets general manager Daryl Morey, who told ESPN’s Tim MacMahon:

“You could argue for him as the best offensive player of all time. To be able to say that with a straight face, and not have it be GM speak or coachspeak, is pretty amazing. There’s a whole bunch of ways to measure it, but he’s for sure in the conversation as the greatest offensive player ever.”

And Chris Paul, who, over a month ago, espoused the same feeling to reporters: “He’s the best offensive player I’ve ever seen.”

Morey and Paul may be biased, but they don’t really gain anything from offering these opinions carelessly—unless, for some reason, both believed the league’s leading scorer needed a confidence boost.

Both offered context for their assessments, and that’s vital to any worthwhile discussion. Morey said you “could argue” and that Harden was “in the conversation.” Paul qualified his comments with “I’ve ever seen,” which narrows the parameters.

That’s how we have to approach this, too, because Harden falls woefully short of many great offensive players if we weigh his achievements against theirs. He doesn’t have 38,388 career points, which would put him ahead of Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, for example, and there are 14 active players with more career points than Harden has.

If longevity matters, there’s no case for Harden here.

What Morey and Paul were getting at, and what we can focus on to give Harden a fair shake, is a smaller window. Really, Morey and Paul are saying nobody’s been better offensively than Harden is right now.

That might seem like a lowering of the stakes, but it’s still meaningful to say Harden is establishing a new peak for offensive play right before our eyes. Even Harden himself acknowledges the “all-time” talk is premature.

“Obviously, I got a long way to go, but this is a pretty cool beginning,” he told reporters after scoring at least 30 points in his 20th consecutive game on Monday.

That streak works as well as any stat to get us into the meat of the Harden question.

Chamberlain is the only player besides Harden to string together that many 30-point games. So at the very least, we can say Harden has played historically well on offense (if you’re measuring that by points scored, which seems reasonable) over the last several weeks.

Including his 61-pointer in New York, Harden scored 204 points in a four-game span, becoming the first player since Bryant (2006-07) to do so. Let’s compare:

LOS ANGELES, CA - OCTOBER 28: James Harden #13 of the Houston Rockets shoots over Kobe Bryant #24 of the Los Angeles Lakers at Staples Center on October 28, 2014 in Los Angeles, California.  NOTE TO USER: User expressly acknowledges and agrees that, by do

Stephen Dunn/Getty Images

Bryant scored 225 points in his four-game run, averaging 46.6 minutes per game with a 67.6 true shooting percentage, a 41.4 percent usage rate and a 12.1 percent assist rate.

Harden’s four games included 204 points in 39.5 minutes per game. His true shooting percentage was 64.1 percent, his usage was 44.6 percent, and his assist rate was 28.4 percent.

Offense isn’t just individual scoring, though. It should also (at least) include points generated for others. Bryant registered 11 assists that led to 24 additional points during his blitz. Harden created an extra 40 points with his assists, running the tally of total points created to 244, just five fewer than Bryant’s 249.

There is no reel of Bryant passing like this:

Justin Jett @JustinJett_

Nearly two minutes of James Harden passing into oblivion the last two games https://t.co/DorBadE12T

It’s also worth noting that Harden produced his 245 points in 158 minutes of court time, while Bryant ran up his total in just over 186 minutes.

The difference between those two streaks, and the one that should give Harden an edge in the comparison, is the lack of help Harden had on offense. None of the 204 points he scored were set up by a teammate; he scored every one of them unassisted. Bryant was assisted nine times in his 65-point explosion against the Blazers on March 16, 2007, the game that kicked off his surge.

Harden simply did more on his own, in less time and with virtually equal efficiency. Certainly, Bryant deserves credit for amassing his totals in an era less friendly to offensive basketball. The average offensive rating in 2006-07 was 106.5. This year, it’s 110.2. Bryant’s production was more striking when compared to league norms but, man, the comparison is close.

And if you expand the scope a bit, you can really tick off the Kobe-is-king crowd:

Micah Adams @MicahAdams13

Player A: 29.7 PPG, 8.6 APG, 6.4 RPG, 44.2 FG%, 27.5 PER

Player B: 28.3 PPG, 5.4 APG, 6.3 RPG, 45.9 FG%, 24.2 PER

🚀
🚀
🚀
🚀
🚀
🚀
🚀
🚀
🚀
🚀
🚀
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Player A: James Harden’s last 5 seasons

Player B: Kobe Bryant’s MVP season

Morey was right: There’s a conversation to be had here, so let’s continue it.

Harden has two 50-point, 10-assist games this season. Chamberlain had two in his career, Abdul-Jabbar and Jordan had one apiece, and Bryant never made it happen.

Harden is also one of two players (Wilt again) to score at least 55 points in back-to-back games.

If you just go through the numbers and pick out specific accomplishments from Harden’s remarkable run, you really can start to appreciate that he’s reached a level of productivity that rivals or exceeds anything we’ve ever seen. And the longer it goes on, the easier it’ll be to argue Harden is the best offensive player of all time in a broader sense.

Example: He’s averaging 36.3 points per game this season. No one who has ever posted a scoring average that high managed a true shooting percentage north of 56.2 percent (Jordan in 1986-87). Harden’s true shooting percentage through 44 games is 62.2 percent.

That’s an enormous efficiency gap, one that distinctly sets Harden’s 2018-19 apart from any modern-era scoring season. Chamberlain had six seasons of over 35 points per game, topped by the 50.4 he averaged in 1961-62, but he never scored as efficiently as Harden did—partially because there was no three-point line and partially because he was a crummy free-throw shooter.

Plus, we just can’t talk about Chamberlain’s numbers without acknowledging he was playing in an ancient and practically unrecognizable NBA. The “can’t compare eras” argument is a copout, but there’s no denying the greatest achievements of Chamberlain’s career owe to an era that included very little defense, extreme pace and the 6’8″ chain-smoking “centers” who worked offseason jobs at lumber mills after guarding him from November to May.

And anyway, among players to average at least 35 points per game in any era, none managed more than five assists. Harden is averaging 8.3 and already holds the record for producing 50 points (via his own buckets or assists) in 20 straight games.

If we’re talking career-long status, Harden is not the best offensive player ever. If the question pertains to a single season, there’s a real debate to be had.

But if this is about the level Harden has reached over these last several weeks, if we’re taking a snapshot approach to isolate the greatest prolonged stretch of offensive basketball anyone’s ever seen, well, yeah…I can get there. And it’s not even that hard.

There’ll be backlash about this—complaints about his foul-seeking behavior, the loosened definition of traveling that unlocks his step-back triple, the distaste for the admittedly unappealing aesthetics of his game. The most vehement detractors will argue Harden is basically a product of extreme gamesmanship, subtle offensive fouls and general trickery. They’ll say he’s basically cheating.

To be fair, sometimes that’s exactly what he’s doing.

Randy Anderson @randydoce

Hahaha @1MrBigShot the Harden Double Step Back! https://t.co/orE5HzbAfM

But isn’t that the true mark of greatness?

Not cheating per se, but the feeling that cheating must be taking place because the alternative is accepting the fact that someone has hacked the system. Harden has figured out a new and better way to complete the most central basketball task there is: scoring.

To invoke a tech-bro term no one should ever use unironically, isn’t this just Harden disrupting the space? Isn’t he upending norms like Chamberlain did a half-century ago, or like Stephen Curry did a half-decade ago?

Harden, today, is playing offense better than anyone ever has. And it’s not even clear whether we’ve reached an inflection point. In theory, his usage could continue to rise. His step-back volume could increase. He could go a month without being assisted.

That’s the nature of pioneering play like this; nobody knows where the edge is. Nobody’s sure how far Harden could push things.

The best might get even better.

Stats courtesy of NBA.com, Cleaning the Glass and Basketball Reference unless otherwise noted. Accurate through games played Wednesday, Jan. 23.

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