President Donald Trump is on the verge of a bipartisan rejection of his emergency declaration at the border, in what would be an embarrassing rebuke by a Congress opposed to his immigration agenda.

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) on Monday night said he would join Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Susan Collins (R-Maine) along with 47 Senate Democrats to block Trump’s attempts to secure billions for his border wall after lawmakers effectively stiffed him. Now just one more GOP senator’s support for a resolution to block Trump’s bid would send the measure to Trump’s desk and force a veto.

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“Conservatives rightfully cried foul when President Barack Obama used executive action to completely bypass Congress,” Tillis said in a Washington Post op-ed on Monday night. “There is no intellectual honesty in now turning around and arguing that there’s an imaginary asterisk attached to executive overreach — that it’s acceptable for my party but not thy party.”

Still, there is clear reluctance in the GOP to bucking Trump.

Numerous Senate Republicans say that, like Tillis, they despise Trump’s decision to declare a national emergency to get additional funding to build his wall. But most aren’t ready to say they will vote to block him from doing so.

Interviews on Monday with more than a dozen GOP senators who have been publicly critical of Trump’s unilateral maneuver or warned him not to deploy it were cagey about their intentions for what would be a crucial vote on the Senate floor in coming weeks.

Many said they were undecided and still studying Trump’s move to circumvent Congress and score billions more for the border barrier. That suggests the resolution to block him remains just short of the simple majority needed for passage.

“It’s unnecessary unwise and inconsistent with the Constitution,” said Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.), one of the most vocal critics of Trump’s emergency declaration. As to how he will vote, he answered: “I’m going to wait to see what the resolution says.”

“I haven’t even read it but I’ve said: I don’t like what’s happened and I certainly don’t like using military money for it,” said Florida Sen. Marco Rubio.

Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah said he is “getting closer” to making a decision but said he could not divulge which way he is leaning. Sen. Cory Gardner of Colorado, a vulnerable incumbent in 2020 who issued a statement saying he is “reviewing” the declaration, said on Monday: “I’ve said all that I’m going to say on that.”

Some Republicans still privately expect the resolution to pass the Senate, but there was little enthusiasm to get out in front of a conflict with the president.

Though wavering senators reported no direct lobbying from the president, Trump made clear on Twitter that he expects them to back him up and not fall for the Democrats’ “trap.” He also has vowed to veto any legislation from Congress halting his efforts.

Still, in an interview Collins said she expects more Republicans to join her.

“There will be others. I think if you look at the comments made by several of my colleagues, I really don’t think I’m the only one,” Collins said. “I intend to vote yes as long as we’re sent a clean resolution.”

Murkowski said in Alaska last week she would also vote for the resolution if it is not amended with extraneous items when it is passed by the House on Tuesday.

But what’s perhaps more remarkable is that several strong critics of Trump’s unilateral plans said they anticipate backing the president.

Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa said last month that an emergency declaration would set a “bad precedent.” Sen. John Cornyn of Texas called it a “dangerous step.” Yet both said on Monday they were leaning to support the president and vote against blocking him.

“I didn’t want it to come to this, because I think it’s probably going to get tied up in court. And I said it wasn’t a practical solution,” Cornyn said. “I’m probably going to come down on the side of voting against the resolution of disapproval.”

Still, Cornyn seemed resigned to it passing the Senate: “All it takes is four right? You can do the math as well as I can.” From there it would go to the president’s desk, where Trump would likely veto it and prompt a veto override battle. Right now, no one expects enough GOP defections in either the House or Senate to provide the two-thirds voted needed to override the president’s veto.

But the fight is roiling the GOP nonetheless as Republicans weigh whether to be consistent on the executive overreach they decried during Obama’s presidency or to pick a fight with a president who views party loyalty as a must. For some like Tillis, Collins and Gardner, showing independence from Trump could be useful to their reelection campaigns in blue states. And Alexander is retiring, giving him more room to vote without regard for political consequences.

But for so many other Republicans, any vote will be fraught with political peril.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) said it shouldn’t be hard for the Senate to muster a big bipartisan rejection of Trump’s actions.

“We’ve come together before in bipartisan ways, if there was ever one that cries out for bipartisan rejection of an overreach of power, this is it,” he said on Monday.

Republicans will have fewer than three weeks to make up their minds. After the House passes the resolution, it will be referred to the Senate Armed Services Committee, though it can’t be bottled up in committee to avoid a floor vote. The resolution can also be amended, Republicans believe, though there are parliamentary restrictions on that.

“We’re checking right now with the parliamentarian whether it’s amendable,” said Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.). “There’s all kinds of gray area.”

There’s lots of uncertainty in the GOP whip count as well.

Johnson, Romney, Gardner, Rubio and GOP Sens. Roy Blunt of Missouri, Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania, Pat Roberts of Kansas, Jerry Moran of Kansas and Mike Lee of Utah were among those who still haven’t said how they will vote. And there are signs that the administration’s whipping operation is ramping up.

On Tuesday Vice President Mike Pence will attend the Senate GOP weekly lunch, and the president’s emergency declaration will be top of mind among the Republicans in the room.

The woman President Donald Trump chose to represent America at the United Nations is a billionaire known for her bursting political Rolodex, disarmingly sunny disposition — and limited foreign policy experience.

Kelly Craft pulled off one unquestionable achievement in her stint as ambassador to Canada under Trump: She maintained good relations with Ottawa, even as her boss imposed tariffs and bashed Canada.

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She attended NAFTA negotiating rounds in the private jet she used to shuttle back and forth between the countries and described her role as a bridge builder.

“Everybody’s emotions were running high,” Craft said in a recent interview, recalling the trade tensions of last year. “I put people together. I listen.”

At an Independence Day party Craft hosted last year at her Ottawa residence, some Canadians were so angry the president took the unprecedented step of imposing national-security tariffs that people boycotted the party. Those who did attend took home memories of the ambassador pouring tumblers of bourbon from her home state of Kentucky.

“People were having a lot of fun,” Ottawa lobbyist Greg MacEachern recalled. “She was really knowledgeable about the bourbon.”

Craft’s knowledge of other issues is about to be severely tested.

As nominee to be U.N. envoy, she’ll face much tougher pitching than the softballs usually served up at a confirmation hearing for ambassador to Canada.

The most memorable confirmation question put to her predecessor for the Canada job involved where Santa Claus lives. Craft’s hearing wasn’t much tougher, though she stumbled over a question from Democratic Sen. Robert Menendez, who is the ranking member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, on whether she believed Russia tried to interfere in the 2016 presidential election, saying “that it looks as if yes,” but that she’d “have to investigate this further or learn more points on this.”

For the U.N. gig, she can expect Democratic inquisitors to drag her through a minefield of the world’s thorniest problems, from Iran to North Korea and Venezuela. But one lawmaker’s vote she can count on is Republican Sen. Marco Rubio, whom she supported in 2016 before Trump and sits on the Foreign Relations Committee.

“She’d do a good job,” Rubio said. “I know her well.”

While former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley’s foreign policy experience also was limited before she became U.N. ambassador, she impressed lawmakers from both parties by taking a tough stance on Russia, praising international alliances such as NATO and calling out human rights violations in countries such as the Philippines. She was confirmed by a 96-4 vote.

But before Craft can attempt to impress, she must be formally nominated. Trump tweeted his plan to name her to the post Friday evening, in the same manner he previously declared former State Department spokesperson and Fox News on-air personality Heather Nauert would get the nod. Nauert withdrew from consideration on Feb. 16.

One of her closest political allies, Republican Kentucky Gov. Matt Bevin, said Craft will be just fine in the hot seat. If she can’t answer a question, the governor predicted, she will admit it.

“She’s somebody who knows what she knows and knows what she doesn’t know,” Bevin said in an interview Monday. “She’s going to be outstanding.”

At the U.N., Craft will be “speaking about things no one person on the planet knows everything about. It’s the dangerous people … who think they know everything, or think they’re required to give a response in the moment,” Bevin said.

He noted Craft already has gained the confidence of two world leaders — Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Trump — and will win other admirers.

But Craft’s current post could haunt her. A halting answer about climate change in an old television interview found new viral life following Trump’s proposed nomination. She told a CBC News reporter in October 2017 there are “sciences … on both sides that are accurate.” Democrats are sure to press Craft, the wife of a billionaire coal company executive, on this, given that the global Paris climate pact Trump intends to withdraw from falls directly under the responsibility of the U.N.

“At a time when climate chaos is the greatest global challenge we face, it’s incredibly disturbing that President Trump has nominated a U.N. ambassador with deep personal ties to and a financial stake in the coal industry,” said Democrat Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), ranking member on the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Multilateral Institutions. “I have many questions for Ambassador Craft, and this nomination should receive deep scrutiny.”

Craft is a traditional pro-business Republican, someone not inclined to celebrate tariffs.

When asked about tariffs in an interview last week, she said, “I cannot go and speak on behalf of the president … But I trust the president’s decision. I trust the knowledge that he has.”

In the same interview, she described regulatory harmonization as one of her top two Canada-U.S. priorities. Asked for details, she said she would speak with Canada’s foreign minister and U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer to discuss how regulations would work better with the new NAFTA.

Would this ongoing regulatory harmonization effort become as ambitious as the European Union’s? “I can’t comment on that,” she said.

Craft won’t be able to phone a friend during the greatest test of her career — a Senate confirmation hearing — though she has plenty. They include the person who recommended her for the job, Sen. Mitch McConnell, a close ally of Craft and her husband Joe.

She also has quite a few allies in Canada. Craft got along with Trudeau and his team. In her first meeting with the prime minister in 2017, she brought along a big bottle of bourbon.

Maryland Sen. Ben Cardin, a senior Democratic member of the Foreign Relations Committee, told reporters Monday he looked forward to hearing from Craft about her views on the U.N. When asked whether he’d taken note of her performance thus far in Canada, he said he has “not noticed anything that stands out.”

“That’s probably good for an ambassador,” he added.

One Canadian official recalled her sending thoughtful notes to Trudeau following two national tragedies: a fatal bus crash involving a youth hockey team and a deadly van attack in Toronto.

Craft was in the middle of hosting Ottawa reporters for a goodwill-building happy hour in September at her residence when Trump laced into Canada at a press conference. Instead of hobnobbing with guests, Craft answered pointed questions about the president and defended Canada’s foreign minister after the president railed against her, saying Chrystia Freeland “hates America.”

Later the same evening, she joined a huge party at a downtown French brasserie and chatted amiably with Trudeau’s staff.

Several officials in both countries said she repeatedly worked to soothe hard feelings during the USMCA negotiations, which occasionally featured shouting sessions.

Canada’s ambassador to Washington, David MacNaughton, wouldn’t discuss private negotiations but offered one example of the role she played. He described a moment last fall when the Canadians couldn’t confirm a guest for a long-planned event at their Washington embassy.

Craft called Office of Management and Budget Director Mick Mulvaney, according to MacNaughton.

“Within 24 hours he confirmed his attendance,” he said. “She used to do stuff like that all the time … She’s been a good friend to Canada and a good friend of mine … I’m sorry to see her go.”

She does have her critics in Canada, however. There’s been chortling over the climate change interview and criticism about how much time she spent traveling outside the country where she was posted.

And now will come the inevitable debates about just what legacy is being left by a Kentucky veterinarian’s daughter who warmed a few hearts in the world’s coldest G-7 capital.

Despite her eternal cheer, her Oval Office connections and her personal aversion to tariffs, Canadian steel and aluminum are still getting clobbered by levies.

“You’ve just had the best-connected ambassador that Ottawa has ever seen,” said Sarah Goldfeder, a longtime State Department employee who worked at the embassy in Ottawa and still lives there following her departure from the agency. “But when you look at the policies of the Trump administration, I’m not sure Canada has benefited from those connections.”

Several officials in both countries say they are hopeful for a breakthrough soon on tariffs, while Craft’s official post remains in Ottawa.

Tesla made 0 cars in 2011, but will make around 500k in 2019

— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) February 20, 2019

Meant to say annualized production rate at end of 2019 probably around 500k, ie 10k cars/week. Deliveries for year still estimated to be about 400k.

— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) February 20, 2019

House Republicans are working to hold defections on legislation to block President Donald Trump’s emergency declaration to potentially under a dozen on Tuesday.

The White House and GOP leaders have launched a last-minute push to limit the losses on a House vote to stop Trump from circumventing Congress to build a border wall, in a bid to avoid a humiliating defeat for the president, according to multiple Republican sources.

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So far, just one Republican — libertarian Rep. Justin Amash (R-Mich.) — has backed a Democratic measure to overturn Trump’s national emergency declaration.

There’s little doubt that the resolution will easily pass the House. Instead, the question is whether at least four GOP senators will create a bipartisan majority and help deliver the biggest rebuke of the president since Democrats regained the House last fall.

The House’s vote on Tuesday could help set the tone in the Senate by offering some political cover to Republican senators who have publicly fretted about Trump’s move to secure billions of dollars without Congress’s approval.

House Democrats believe they could win support from between five to 10 Republicans in Tuesday’s much-anticipated floor vote, according to two sources — far less than the dozens of House Republicans who have voiced skepticism of the idea at some point in recent months.

In an attempt to drum up GOP supporters, Democrats have circulated a spreadsheet of hundreds of military construction projects that the White House could potentially take money from for its border project. The document shows billions of dollars are at stake in red states from Alaska to Georgia to Texas.

Pressure has been building. Pentagon officials visited Capitol Hill on Friday to brief top defense spending leaders of both parties on where the administration could divert $3.6 billion from military projects to the border.

So far, Amash is the only House Republican to publicly declare support for the resolution, though dozens of others — including libertarians, defense hawks and appropriators — have been wary of Trump’s tactics.

That GOP skepticism, though, may not translate into votes for the Democratic measure, particularly because Trump has vowed to veto it. And House Republican leaders are confident across the board that Democrats will fall far short of the more than 50 Republican votes they’d need for an override.

Rep. Mike Turner (R-Ohio), along with four other House Republicans, sent a letter to Trump earlier this month urging Trump to look elsewhere for the money.

Turner — a defense hawk whose state could lose as much as $90 million in military construction funds — has said Trump’s move would be a “dangerous precedent.” Still, he hasn’t specifically said if he would support the Democratic resolution.

Trump began applying public pressure to his own party Monday, warning Republicans not to fall into the Democratic “trap.”

“I hope our great Republican Senators don’t get led down the path of weak and ineffective Border Security,” Trump tweeted.

The White House legislative affairs team has also been making the case privately to Republican lawmakers over the weekend and on Monday, according to a White House official.

Officials have been doing outreach to provide “as much information as possible,” and plan to take a more targeted approach after they learn which GOP members are considering voting for the measure.

Separately, House Minority Whip Steve Scalise sent talking points to the GOP caucus on Monday that say there are already 31 national emergencies in effect, and that Trump is specifically working to address a “humanitarian and security crisis.”

“Instead of working with the President to secure the border and protect the public, Democrats choose to continue to play politics,” the message from the GOP whip office reads.

Scalise and his whip team will begin formally counting votes Monday night.

The White House is eyeing a total of $8 billion in border cash, which would also include $2.5 billion from a Pentagon drug interdiction program as well as $600 million from a Treasury Department forfeiture fund.

Since Trump’s announcement earlier this month, groups of former national security officials and former GOP members of Congress have also expressed opposition to the move.

John Bresnahan contributed to this report.