Ryder Cup 2018 Leaderboard: Europe Dominant Again to Lead USA 10-6

PARIS, FRANCE - SEPTEMBER 29:  Francesco Molinari of Europe tees off during the afternoon foursome matches of the 2018 Ryder Cup at Le Golf National on September 29, 2018 in Paris, France.  (Photo by Stuart Franklin/Getty Images)

Stuart Franklin/Getty Images

Team Europe put themselves in a great position to win the 2018 Ryder Cup on Saturday, taking three of the four morning fourballs and splitting the afternoon foursomes to build their lead to 10-6.

The hosts will enter Sunday’s singles needing just 4.5 points to win, while the United States need to get to 14 to retain their title.

Here are Saturday’s final scores:

Coral @Coral

USA have won their first point for over 24 hours!

Here’s the final scoreboard at the end of the Day 2 Fourballs.

#TeamEurope 8-4 #GoUSA https://t.co/St3ghGTARN

Coral @Coral

Here’s how the Day 2 foursomes have finished.

đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡ș 2 points
đŸ‡ș🇾 2 points

Europe take a 10-6 lead going into the singles tomorrow.
#RyderCup https://t.co/MB17QHVrei

Tommy Fleetwood and Francesco Molinari were once again the standout pair in the morning, beating Tiger Woods and Patrick Reed 4 & 3. The two were fantastic on the opening day, and it was once again the short game that made the difference:

Ryder Cup Europe @RyderCupEurope

New day.

Same @TommyFleetwood1! https://t.co/ieKYVv15ky

It didn’t hurt that Reed continued his struggles with an incredible three balls into the water and one out of bounds. Golf writer Jay Coffin was astonished at his poor showing:

Jay Coffin @JayCoffinGC

I’m sure I’m missing something, but I just don’t recall anyone EVER playing as poorly as Patrick Reed just did in that Ryder Cup match with Tiger Woods. It was unspeakably awful.

Justin Thomas and Jordan Spieth were the only American duo to manage a morning win, beating Ian Poulter and Jon Rahm 2 & 1.

Sergio Garcia and Rory McIlroy made the difference late in their 2 & 1 win over Tony Finau and Brooks Koepka, and Paul Casey and Tyrrell Hatton dominated Dustin Johnson and Ricky Fowler, dropping just two holes in a 3 & 2 triumph.

Many were loving the action going into the afternoon session, with special praise reserved for Le Golf National course in Paris:

Bhrett McCabe, PhD @DrBhrettMcCabe

Who ever set up this @rydercup course needs to be hired immediately for @USGA @usopengolf – this is fun to watch and great shots get rewarded – minimal crazy set ups – just excellence

The Americans were able stem the tide in the afternoon, splitting the foursomes to give themselves a chance on the final day of action.

Molinari and Fleetwood thrashed Woods and Bryson Dechambeau 5 & 4 in the most lopsided contest of the afternoon, continuing their exceptional run.

Sports writer Kyle Porter shared some of the numbers behind the incredible partnership:

Kyle Porter @KylePorterCBS

Molinari and Fleetwood …

60 holes played
27 holes won
22 birdies made
4-0 record

Absolute domination. đŸŽó §ó ąó „ó źó §ó żđŸ‡źđŸ‡č

Rose and Henrik Stenson were also victorious, beating Johnson and Koepka 2 & 1 in Match 1.

The other two contests weren’t close. Watson and Webb Simpson opened strongly against Noren and Sergio Garcia and never let up, while Thomas and Spieth overcame an early deficit against McIlroy and Poulter to win 4 & 3.

Europe need 4.5 points in Sunday’s singles to reclaim the Ryder Cup.

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UN pledges to eradicate peacekeeper sex abuse

Several of the UN’s most senior officials have pledged to redouble efforts to stamp out sexual abuse and exploitation within the organisation at this week’s general assembly in an attempt to eradicate a scourge that has shadowed its humanitarian work for decades.

The UN has been criticised for failing to properly handle hundreds of allegations made against its civilian staff and peacekeepers across the world, ranging from fathering children with women under their protection to transactional sex and child abuse.

Scandals have caused immense damage to its reputation and operations, particularly in Haiti, the Central African Republic and the other 13 countries where it runs peacekeeping missions. Secretary General Antonio Guterres last year called the issue a “global menace” and a top priority for his tenure as UN chief.

“The abuse not only undermines our values as humanitarians but he erodes the hard-earned trust the communities, the countries, our partners and donors place in us each and every day,” Executive Director of UNICEF Henrietta Fore told a meeting of UN agencies, NGOs and member states in New York City this week.

Fore called for a new change of culture throughout the UN, which employs 95,000 civilians and 90,000 police and soldiers, so victims feel able to come forward and report misconduct and perpetrators are sufficiently punished.

“We want fear and trust to trade places. We want perpetrators to feel fear and we want survivors to feel trust,” she said.

The UN’s mechanism for internal investigations became the subject of close scrutiny last year when leaked documents revealed it had botched 14 cases alleging sexual misconduct in the Central African Republic. The allegations dated mostly from 2016 and included rape and gang rape. Interviews were mishandled, the actions of the accused downplayed, and the cases were not added to the UN’s online database.

Public distrust of the UN is widespread in the conflict-gripped state and victims are often unwilling to report rapes and killings by peacekeepers for fear of retribution.

Not keeping peace

While on duty, UN peacekeeping soldiers remain under the legal jurisdiction of their home country. The UN can repatriate peacekeepers and ban them from further missions, but the troop contributing countries must determine any punishment if the sexual misconduct is criminal.

More than 340 allegations have been made against peacekeepers since 2010, though senior UN figures have said the true number of cases may be well above those reported.

Of these, a UN investigation found 99 claims substantiated, leading to 90 repatriations. Some 37 soldiers were jailed in their home countries, 16 were dismissed, and others fined or demoted.

Chief of the Public Affairs Section at the UN’s Departments of Peacekeeping and Field Support Nick Birnback told Al Jazeera the UN makes “robust” efforts to follow up with member states and record any punishments.

“There is no mission where [ending sexual abuse and exploitation] is not the highest priority,” he said.

The rules regarding civilian staff are murkier as the UN is often reluctant to hand over its staff to authorities in countries where it deems police and judicial systems to be dysfunctional or corrupt.

A UN official told Al Jazeera that in cases where a case of sexual abuse or exploitation by civilian employee is substantiated, they are dismissed and their home country is notified of the misconduct. It is not clear though, in cases where a criminal sexual offence has been committed, how many states can claim legal jurisdiction over their citizens while abroad on UN missions, or how they would conduct such an investigation.

Guterres has urged member states to adopt an international convention to resolve this ambiguity.

Only 37 of the 181 allegations made against civilian staff across 32 UN field missions since 2010 were found to be substantiated, with 26 leading to termination or dismissal. UN records show two of these cases leading to criminal action, one ending in dismissal and another in demotion.

A clearance system prevents staff with substantiated allegations against them being rehired within the UN, but offenders are not named publicly and the UN does not notify other organisations in the humanitarian sector to prevent their employment elsewhere.

Victim focus

Guterres appointed Australian legal and human rights expert Jane Connors to the new position of Victims’ Rights Advocate (VRA) in September last year to bring a sharp focus on the rights and needs of the victim rather than simply punishing the perpetrator.

Connors has spoken with victims in five UN mission countries across three continents, continued to build a trust fund for survivors, and established four regional VRA positions in Haiti, South Sudan, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

“What comes from the top is very important but it has to go right, right down and there has to be continual effort to make people understand that this is unacceptable conduct,” she told Al Jazeera.

The needs of victims are diverse and must not be generalised, said Connors. Women who gave birth to children fathered by UN peacekeepers in Haiti told her they want secure healthcare and education for their children, while other victims in the Central African Republic want job and training opportunities.

“They want to go forwards with their lives,” she said. “They wish to have their perpetrator held accountable but they are not sitting there on their hands waiting.”

Critics have questioned the UN’s ability to conduct investigations into its own staff, drawing comparisons to decades of sexual abuse covered-up by the hierarchy of the Catholic Church, but Connors believes the required independence can be achieved within the organisation.

“I think you can be [independent] if you have the checks and balances,” she said.

But some aid officials outside the UN are less optimistic about its promises of institutional reform from within.

“The UN is doing the same thing over and over again and finding news ways to dress it up as positive, forward movement,” said Paula Donovan, Co-Director of AIDS-Free World and its Code Blue campaign to end sexual abuse in UN missions.

Code Blue has called for a fully-independent special court system with the power to investigate and prosecute UN officials and peacekeepers in any jurisdiction.

Donovan said member states are shirking their responsibilities and are reluctant to make the structural reforms within the UN required to tackle the problem.

She also hit out at the “mystification” surrounding the legal immunity granted to UN staff.

Its officials across the world are given functional immunity, which protects them from local authorities when acting or speaking in line with their official duties.

Guterres has stressed that immunity offers no protection in cases of sexual abuse and exploitation, but Donovan claims this message has not taken root within the organisation, and that many victims are unaware they can pursue justice entirely outside the UN system.

“The UN has made it so complicated and so mysterious that its own staff, including even some senior officials, the population at large, the media, everyone is confused and thinks that somehow UN immunity means that only the UN can investigate and take action when crimes are committed by their own personnel,” she said.

“It’s not fair. It can’t happen that [UN staff] are the only people who can get away with sex crimes.”

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The biggest pumpkin ever grown in North America weighs more than a ton

Sometimes a week is so upsetting you just have to find joy in the unexpected. Take this huge-ass pumpkin, for example.

Steve Geddes of Boscawen, New Hampshire just made U.S. history by growing a pumpkin so large it surpassed the record for largest pumpkin in America.

Congrats, sir!

SEE ALSO: Little girl dancing in front of Michael Myers to the ‘Halloween’ theme is peak fall

As The Boston Globe reported, Geddes presented his 2,528-pound pumpkin at the Deerfield Fair this week, where he wound up taking first place in a contest for heaviest pumpkin and winning $6,000 in prize money.

Here are some photos of the very large pumpkin for your enjoyment.

@Met_CindyFitz .

Just in case you guys wanted to share this story, thought it was really cool. Last night at the Deerfield fair there was a new U.S record pumpkin weighed at 2528 pounds beating the previous one of 2363 pounds. It was grown by a grower of Steve geddes From N.H. pic.twitter.com/B2aSKqYsKp

— Henry Swenson (@HenrySwenson) September 28, 2018

Woody Lancaster, the northeast representative for the Great Pumpkin Commonwealth, confirmed to The Boston Globe that not only did Geddes have the largest pumpkin at the fair this year, but he’s officially grown the largest pumpkin ever grown in North America.

Geddes now holds the U.S. record for heaviest pumpkin, beating the previous record of 2,363 pounds, but he also came remarkably close to the record for heaviest pumpkin in THE WORLD.

Mathias Willemijns of Belgium set the current world record for heaviest pumpkin back in Oct. 2016 with one that weighed a whopping 2,624 pounds, according to the Guinness World Records. But don’t worry Geddes, the world’s second largest pumpkin is still hella impressive and you’ve set the bar even higher for pumpkins in the United States.

If you want to see the pumpkin for yourself, head on over to the fair — which runs until Sept. 30 — and make your way to the fruit and vegetable building.

Long live autumn and long live pumpkins so ridiculously large they’d make Charlie Brown and the people of Halloweentown jealous.

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Daily Drop Friday 28

  1. The Evolution of FIFA 😍

    B/R Football @brfootball

  2. B/R Football @brfootball

    #FIFA19 is here, but that doesn’t mean it’s time to throw away #FIFA18 😂 https://t.co/Y9NAQVRqKZ

  3. One-Man Show đŸ”„

    Soccer Republic @SoccRepublic

    ‘It’s different class’ – Another magical McEleney goal for the collection https://t.co/TYwfK2RVyW #RTEsoccer https://t.co/zkO4slJ2KQ

  4. Holy S–t, What a Hit

    MUNDIAL @MundialMag

    SHIT. DID YOU SEE THAT? https://t.co/gip7TPBO22

  5. Hertha Carved Bayern Open for 2-0

    via Clippit

  6. NBC Sports Soccer @NBCSportsSoccer

  7. FIFA 19 x Fortnite đŸ’Ș

    B/R Football @brfootball

    When you load up Survival Mode on #FIFA19 😂 https://t.co/4QcD4z0hse

  8. Ronaldinho Has No Chill đŸ€«

    FC Barcelona @FCBarcelona

    🙄 Oops… 😂
    đŸ€© @10Ronaldinho & @Carles5puyol 🙌 https://t.co/CVIR43CbIH

  9. B/R Football @brfootball

    It’s #FIFA19 day 🎼 https://t.co/jzTPqVmVPH

  10. Take Care of FIFA 19 😆

    ✹Benny BlancođŸ’« @Jabz_DaLastKing

    First In The Queue…… @EASPORTSFIFA #Fifa19 https://t.co/E3eHafcL6m

  11. Yet Another Sick PSG Fashion Collab đŸ”„

    via SoccerBible

  12. Neymar Hits Paris Fashion Week 😎

    via Mail Online

  13. FIFA 19 Golazos Already Going Off 👏

    P Money @KingPMoney

    I’ve deffo scored the Goal of the year already. #FIFA19 @EASPORTSFIFA https://t.co/NwOeKjwS3X

  14. Add the FIFA Stream 🎼 ➕

    via Bleacher Report

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Why Gmail’s app developer policy could mean a security risk for you

The terms of service we hurriedly agreed to keep coming back to haunt us.

Last Thursday, the Wall Street Journal reported that Google confirmed previous reports about the far-reaching access third-party apps can have to Gmail users’ accounts and personal emails.

When you download an app, it might request access to your Gmail account. But what you might not realize when you grant access is that these apps may analyze your Gmail data — including the content of your emails — for their product, and potentially for targeting ads. Apps are also allowed to share your information with third parties, as long as Google determines that it adequately discloses that to users. The Journal previously reported that “hundreds” of apps can scan the email of “millions” of users.

Google says it reviews apps to make sure they are clearly communicating what they have access to. But unless Gmail users are diligent, security experts that Mashable spoke with say the policy potentially exposes people in ways they may have not consented to or understood. 

SEE ALSO: Facebook isn’t the only one with too much of your data. Just ask Google and Amazon.

Several experts said that app developers’ access to user data is more than just potentially creepy or invasive, though. Giving an app access to your Gmail can expose received emails as well as sent emails. So, because the policy could expose both your and your friends’ data, app access to Gmail could create a security risk similar to the mechanism that allowed for Facebook’s Cambridge Analytica scandal. 

In that instance, a researcher used a third-party app, downloaded by 270,000 people, to gather data on all 87 million Facebook users in their friend networks, and then sold the data to a company (Cambridge Analytica) that used it to engage in political advertising. So, similarly, if you happen to send an email to a Gmail user who has given an app permission to read their emails, not only can that app see your correspondence and information — but a further removed third party can also see your emails, without you having ever given consent to either party.

“I do not see what is to prevent this type of access to be abused and misused in a similar way to Cambridge Analytica,” Brian Honan, a cybersecurity consultant for major banking companies who used to work with Europol, said. “Third-party apps with access to peoples’ accounts can expose a lot of personal data about those persons which could be used to target subsequent adverts or messages to them.”

The policy

In a letter, Google reportedly told Congress that when Gmail users grant apps access to their accounts, they may — perhaps inadvertently, if they do not read the terms closely enough — allow these apps to harvest their personal information. Apps can then use what people talk about in their emails, along with demographic and other information, to target their advertising. Google lays out the policy here.

Further, under Gmail’s rules, developers are then allowed to share Gmail users’ data with still other external parties. Google says that it vets the apps, and allows this data sharing as long as it determines that the developers are adequately disclosing the activity. 

Gmail itself ended the practice of using the content of people’s emails for ad targeting in July 2017. But it has apparently kept the ability in place for outside parties — so long as users “consent.”

<img alt="What a consent screen could look like." class="" data-caption="What a consent screen could look like." data-credit-name="google” data-credit-provider=”custom type” data-fragment=”m!5648″ data-image=”https://ift.tt/2OkugH6; data-micro=”1″ src=”https://i.amz.mshcdn.com/rdudGFL2iqSlS9db12Xyf8rpIcI=/fit-in/1200×9600/https%3A%2F%2Fblueprint-api-production.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fuploads%2Fcard%2Fimage%2F854465%2F94155b8d-9d0a-46a1-8d1f-7d9912999fe6.jpg&#8221; title=”What a consent screen could look like.”>

What a consent screen could look like.

Image: google

Experts say this portion of Gmail’s app developer policy is concerning for several reasons, on the fronts of both security and privacy.

“Without technical controls built in, app vendors are going to get to wherever they can within the platform, and within user accounts,” Rebecca Herold, a top information security expert and consultant to multi-national corporations, who is also known as “The Privacy Professor,” said. “That’s what the apps are designed to do, to gather data. These companies need to build a more rigorous set of controls to prevent that from happening.”

Security

The most straightforward problem with Gmail’s policy is the security vulnerabilities it could open users up to.

“All of these third-parties have been vetted by Google, but the reality is that every company is vulnerable to data breaches,” said Gary Davis, McAfee’s chief consumer security evangelist. “The more an individual or company shares personal data, the greater the likelihood of that information falling into malicious hands.”

“From a cybersecurity aspect, you don’t know how well those third-party apps have been vetted by Google”

Google stresses that it carefully reviews apps and employs sophisticated malware-detecting filtering technology. And, if you’re downloading an app from Google Play or the App Store, the chances of encountering a malicious app are low (though still possible). But people can and do download apps outside of these ecosystems. 

In those cases, Google’s data-collecting policy could allow for malicious apps to gain access to and undermine people’s accounts — especially on Android. Herold noted that some of the app policies allow for apps to “inject information, edit, and upload” in your account, which could lead to malware sending spam emails on your behalf. And access to personal emails could enable bad actors to craft more convincing and targeted phishing emails. 

“Google claims to have processes and systems in place to identify and remove malicious apps from its store, but despite these measures, malicious apps still are found regularly in the store,” Honan said.

“From a cybersecurity aspect, you don’t know how well those third-party apps have been vetted by Google,” said Herold.

The privacy onus

While malicious apps may pose a security risk, legitimate apps that simply want to use your data for advertising may actually be the larger issue.

Currently, the technology industry is undergoing a shift in who bears the responsibility for securing a user’s privacy. Up until this point, the onus to protect one’s privacy has been on users — which reflects Gmail’s current policy with app developers.

But thanks to the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in Europe, the practice of making people consent to giving away their data by burying consent in terms and conditions is coming under scrutiny. Gmail’s own policy change about not parsing emails for the sake of advertising data reflects this sea change. And Google recently prompted its users to more proactively review security settings.

But the company’s stance toward apps that have access to email reflects an outdated, and vulnerable, approach to privacy.

“It seems like a lazy way for them to address this,” Herold said. “They’re trying to push off responsibility to those who use Gmail instead of Google taking active steps to actually secure Gmail and limit what third-party apps can actually do.”

Currently, when people download an app, they may consent to giving that app access to their Gmail accounts — and inadvertently allow apps to read their emails, and provide their data to other companies. The way that people grant permission may be clear and forthright, especially if it takes place in a Google ecosystem. But the ways that people give consent vary from device to device, and from app to app. That means that Gmail is technically covered, from a legal standpoint. But hasty app-downloaders who rush through permissions might not be.

SEE ALSO: Google Search gets a slew of new features on its 20th anniversary

Currently, Gmail users can review and revoke access to apps at myaccount.google.com. But McAfee’s Davis says that Google should make it easier for users to control who has access to their data within Gmail.

“The most significant part of this really boils down to individual preference,” Davis said. “In our busy lives many people value the ability to have ads served up that align with their individual needs. However, there are also many people who feel this is a breach of their privacy. Allowing Gmail users to opt in or out in a more visible way could help support the needs of consumers from both ends of the spectrum.”

Cambridge Analytica: Gmail edition?

What made Cambridge Analytica such a large-scale disaster was the ripple effect. Only about 270,000 people downloaded the app. But those people gave researcher Aleksandr Kogan access to data about all of their Facebook friends, which means he ultimately had data on 87 million people. 

Similarly, apps that have received permission to access a person’s inbox see their whole inbox — not just the emails written by the one person who gave consent for access. That means these apps could have access to the emails and contact information of whoever an individual corresponds with. They might not get access to all the profile data, as with Cambridge Analytica, but they would still be able to learn people’s names, emails, and other personal information.

Herold thinks that building in specific controls to safeguard people’s informations should fall to Gmail, rather than just relegating privacy policy to dense legal agreements.

“Internet companies need to have preventive security controls built into their platform so they can block access to specific areas of their users accounts,” Herold said. “Facebook didn’t do that. Their contract left their infrastructure wide open, and it sounds like Google’s doing that too.”

And with Cambridge Analytica, Kogan was technically not allowed to share his data with additional parties. But with Gmail, this is acceptable — as long as apps disclose what they’re doing.

“The biggest distinction is transparency,” Davis said. “Gmail developers are required to be transparent with how they use Gmail data, whereas the issue with the Cambridge Analytica scandal was a lack of understanding of who had access to what data.”

That monitoring and transparency process should protect Gmail users. But only if they have actually taken the time to read what they’ve consented to. 

And, as long as nothing goes wrong.

“The problem with depending on contractual requirements is that they’re not information security controls in and of themselves,” Herold said. “From a privacy standpoint, you have no idea what those apps might be accessing, taking, and using elsewhere. The unknown is the biggest risk.”

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Dyson Pure Cool air purifier review: Peace of mind for $549

Crazy simple to use ‱ Informative app lets you control purifier from anywhere ‱ Vents can adjust to ‘winter’ mode so there’s no cooling ‱ Easily transportable ‱ Scheduler and Night Mode make usage effortless

Pricey ‱ Filters are ‱ too ‱ Maximum fan setting is loud

You’ll probably pay more than you’re comfortable with for the Dyson Pure Cool air purifier, but the effortless experience and peace of mind justify the cost.

I have a lot of smart home devices, but I’ve never had one quite as “fire and forget” as the Dyson Pure Cool air purifier. After the initial setup, I so rarely go into its controls or app that I have to remind myself of how they work.

The Pure Cool (model TP04) resembles one of Dyson’s larger Cool fans. It has the similar hollow oblong shape, with the base pulling in air, then pushing it out of the upper “shell” via the company’s bladeless Air Multiplier tech. The main differences are the Pure Cool is taller, heavier to accommodate the filters and other tech in the base, and white in color.

SEE ALSO: The best tips and tools to get the most out of Netflix

The current generation is an evolution of Dyson’s first-gen Pure Cool air purifier. It costs $549 ($50 more than the previous version), and the upgrades mostly amount to a new and improved filter system (unfortunately incompatible with the first-gen device) and a versatile LCD indicator in front. Also, for when you want the improved air quality but not the cooling effect of a fan, there’s a setting that will push air out the sides, not the front.

Dyson says the filters should last you about a year, assuming the Pure Cool is operating about 12 hours a day. A replacement set will set you back about $80.

I’ve lived with the Dyson Pure Cool for a few months now, and I can say that of all the connected gear in my house, it’s the device that’s frustrated me the least. In Auto mode, the purifier generally just takes care of itself and leaves you alone while it does its job. And on the lowest fan setting (which is what it was on most of the time), it’s so quiet you don’t even notice it.

Justification for an air purifier

Let’s back up a bit. An air purifier isn’t quite as much of a staple as other home appliances (like air conditioners or even humidifiers), so why should you even consider one?

If you live in an area with semi-permanent smog (like many major cities in Southeast Asia), the answer is pretty obvious. But even for less grimy areas, like my town in Northern New Jersey, there are benefits. Pollen season can flare up allergies, and in the winter it’s not unusual to go days or even weeks without opening a window. Not to mention many areas in North America suffer from regular wildfires, whose resulting smoke can seriously mess up air quality over large regions.

The filter system on the Dyson Pure Cool

The filter system on the Dyson Pure Cool

Image: Raymond Wong/Mashable

OK, so there’s a good chance you’ll benefit from an air purifier. But how do you know it’s doing anything? This is why Dyson turned the Pure Cool into one of the company’s only real “smart” devices. An air purifier shouldn’t just push out clean air blindly — it needs sensors to continuously gauge the quality of the air so it can make adjustments or even turn itself off.

On top of that, it should have some idea of the overall air quality outside. Dyson gets that data from unspecified third parties, and the accompanying app vividly shows what the air’s like both inside and outside your home on a single screen with stark colors. The visually friendly, informative app is one of the best features of the Pure Cool, a nice example of what a good smart-device app should be.

The Dyson Link app hand-holds you through the pairing process.

The Dyson Link app hand-holds you through the pairing process.

Purity in design

The design of the purifier isn’t bad either. The hollow-tower shape is signature Dyson, but the choice of glossy white for the top shell is a departure from the company’s Hot and Cool fans, which lean toward bolder colors like purple and blue. However, the white gives more than a hint of the device’s medical intent. “Pure” is definitely an apt descriptor. (Dyson also sells a smaller desktop version with a circular fan, the $449 DP04.)

One look at the silver base, and you know this thing is serious business. Inside is all the filter, sensor, and smart tech, and there’s a small circular display that’s capable of showing an impressive amount of information — not just about the purifier operation, but also current and recent air quality.

What I really like is how the Dyson Pure Cool breaks down exactly what might be contaminating your air and how far it is from the ideal. By default, the screen shows overall air quality on a graph with clearly marked green, yellow, and red areas. The worse the air, the higher on the graph you’ll be, and the harder the Pure Cool needs to work to get you back in the green.

The front-panel LCD is very informative.

The front-panel LCD is very informative.

Image: Pete Pachal/Mashable

If you press the “i” button on the remote, the screen will break down, one at a time, the four factors that contribute to the overall air quality. The first two tell you the levels of microscopic particles, first on the PM2.5 scale (basically particles 2.5 microns wide or smaller) and second on the PM 10 scale (~10 microns). The third tells you the concentration of VOCs (volatile organic compounds), potentially dangerous chemicals like benzene. Finally, it shows how much nitrogen dioxide (NO2), which can contribute to diseases like asthma, is in the air.

The Dyson Pure Cool remote control

The Dyson Pure Cool remote control

Image: Raymond Wong/Mashable

The info gets 10x better when you fire up the Dyson Link app (iOS and Android), which serves as the central hub for the company’s smart products (although there are only two, the Pure Cool and the Eye robot vacuum). Where the purifier’s indicator shows just basic screens with some pictographs, the app shows you detailed graphs for each factor along with temperature and humidity over time. (The purifier indicator can show the current temp. And humidity, but not on a graph.) There’s also lots of extra info, just a finger-tap away, to help interpret the graphs you’re looking at.

The app has detailed graphs on your air quality, and will keep archives.

The app has detailed graphs on your air quality, and will keep archives.

Not sure what something means? More info is a tap away.

Not sure what something means? More info is a tap away.

Superior app

Dyson really scored in designing this app. The home screen is simple, but it can also be dramatic if there’s a big difference in air quality between indoors and outdoors. The screen shows your house as a solid color and the surrounding air as a lighter one, both using the intuitive color coding of green, yellow, red to indicate quality. If one is green and the other is yellow (or worse, red), your eye knows something is amiss very, very quickly.

The design of the home screen is appropriately dramatic.

The design of the home screen is appropriately dramatic.

Here's where you want to be.

Here’s where you want to be.

The app also replicates all the buttons of the remote control, so you don’t need to worry about hunting it down every time you want to do something. Moreover, you can control your air purifier from anywhere — par for the course when you’re talking about smart devices, sure, but still notable.

The feature that makes the Pure Cool truly effortless is the scheduler. Marked by the on-the-nose clock icon in the corner, it lets you set up specific times for the purifier to run, and which settings to use. For example, if know the air quality around your house tends to get worse later in the evening (as is the case for me), you might set it to turn on at dusk, with the fan on a relatively high setting.

The scheduler makes the purifier a truly effortless experience.

The scheduler makes the purifier a truly effortless experience.

You can get pretty granular with the scheduler's controls.

You can get pretty granular with the scheduler’s controls.

Generally, though, when I had the Pure Cool on, I kept it on Auto mode, which automatically picks the fan speed based on what the air quality is. The scheduler lets you break down the Pure Cool’s operation hour by hour, for every day of the week, if you want to.

You can set the fan speed at a level from 1-10. At lower settings the fan is whisper quiet, to the point where I was comfortable leaving it on in my bedroom all night long. However, it does tend to get loud on the higher end. That might discourage you from leaving the fan in Auto mode at night, but there’s a saving grace: Night Mode, which keeps the fan from ever going above level four, even when it’s in auto mode.

Air master

Once I’d mastered these settings, the Pure Cool became the least needy of all my smart home gadgets. Even when I unplugged it and moved it from room to room, it remembered all its settings and generally took care of itself. Even the most benign kitchen gadget will bother you with a firmware update from time to time. About the most annoying thing the Dyson did was occasionally get a bit loud.

Did Pure Cool do its job? I could point to the large archive of graphs in the app to show that it did, but mostly I’d point to my peace of mind. It’s not like wildfires rage outside my home on a regular basis, but I do take seriously the air my family is breathing on a daily basis. While nothing can guarantee good health, the Dyson Pure Cool at least gives you one less thing to worry about.

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10 hidden features in Apple macOS Mojave

MacOS Mojave is finally here.

Desktop Stacks, Dark Mode, and new applications (Stocks, News, and Home) are clearly the headline features of Mojave. But there’s lots more under the hood if you know where to look.

SEE ALSO: 5 features of macOS Mojave that will level up your Mac experience

We’ve been digging through macOS 10.14 since the first beta dropped in June, and here are 10 features that will will make all the difference in your Mac experience.

1. Dynamic Desktop

Alongside Dark Mode, which darkens the dock, menu bar, and application windows (that support the mode) to a white-on-black layout, there’s also a new option for the image in your desktop background: Dynamic Desktop. Visually, it’s very cool: the lighting in the picture will change throughout the day to reflect your Mac’s current time, even darkening from morning to night. There are only two different Dynamic Desktop designs with the initial release of Mojave, but now you can get more.

2. MacOS software updates are now in Settings

MacOS updates have been arriving through the Mac App Store for for the past few years, but that’s changing with Mojave. There’s nothing really wrong with that system, but it’s not how iOS works, not to mention other platforms (like Windows 10), which put system updates in Settings.

Mojave moves system software updates to a new panel in System Preferences, which, to a lot of people, will make more sense. It’s a straightforward interface and will make it easier to find those critical updates.

3. Favicons in Safari

It’s not like favicons are new, but Apple has finally added support for them in Safari tabs in Mojave. Even though Apple is late to the game with rolling out this support, interested users will need to enable it. It’s also hidden in Safari Preferences and is not prompted at first launch after updating.

Navigate to preferences in Safari, then click Tabs and turn on “Show website icons in tabs.” Once on, you will see favicons from your website on the tabs. It makes it easy to know which tab is which thanks to the visual cue when you have many open.

4. Autofill security codes

Companies and services are continuing to push users to enable two-factor authentication, which makes accounts more secure. With this feature turned on for a specific service (e.g. Twitter), a code will arrive via an SMS message. You then need to go to Messages and copy the code over.

However, in macOS Mojave, it will now auto suggest to fill the code into the respective spot, meaning you shouldn’t have to do all that copy-and-pasting anymore. It’s a simple feature, but one that will undoubtedly come in handy. There’s also an equivalent autofill feature in iOS 12.

5. Emoji selector in Mail

A few years back an emoji in an email might have been seen as childish or inappropriate. In 2018, it’s practically expected.

MacOS Mojave puts an emoji selector feature built into Mail. This allows for quick and easy access to the all the emojis macOS offers. You can also search by keyword to find the one you’re looking for, and the menu automatically populates with the most frequently used symbols.

6. More control over permissions

In recent iterations of iOS and macOS, Apple has begun to ramp up security — both behind the scenes and in plain sight. Mojave allows for individual microphone and camera access, in addition to more granular permissions for applications across the board. With hacking and security being in the news on a daily basis, it’s nice to have minute control.

7. Siri can help with passwords

If you use iCloud Keychain, Apple’s built-in password manager, there’s now a more natural way to access the secure information.

Just ask Siri to show you your password, and it will pull preferences in Safari. You then enter your password or confirm access with Touch ID, which will open a window with all your saved logins. Once this window is unlocked, you can search by app or service to see the password or copy it for easy pasting.

8. Updated UI for FaceTime

Group FaceTime and the incredible ability to video call with up 32 people at once isn’t in Mojave at launch. But at least we get a redesign of the FaceTime user interface.

A new toolbar will appear in the bottom left-hand corner of the FaceTime window allowing you to mute the microphone, shut the camera off, enter full screen, hang up, or open a sidebar. The sidebar will likely be useful for group calls, when they arrive, as you can see who is in the chat.

9. Full metadata in Finder

Alongside the Gallery View in Finder, Apple now lets you see more about your files. 

Specifically for imagery shot on your iPhone or from a professional camera, you now have access to the metadata, and what you see in the summary is customizable. Now you can include things like lens type, aperture, and color type — a big deal to many photographers and photo editors.

10. More accent colors

Apple has always let users switch between two accent colors within macOS: graphite and blue. The accent is the color used for things like the menu drop-down icon, tick boxes, and buttons. For those who really like to customize their Mac experience, it’s a very nice feature to have.

Mojave now includes eight accent colors. The new ones joining the original graphite and blue are purple, pink, red, orange, yellow, and green.

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Democrats planning to examine Trump’s tax returns after the midterms


Donald Trump

A nearly 100-year-old statute allows the chairmen of Congress’ tax committees to look at anyone’s returns, and Democrats say they intend to use that power to help answer a long list of questions about Donald Trump’s finances. | Evan Vucci/AP Photo

Finance & Tax

A nearly 100-year old statute allows the chairmen of Congress’ tax committees to look at anyone’s returns.

The years-old mystery of what’s in President Donald Trump’s tax returns will likely quickly unravel if Democrats win control of at least one chamber of Congress.

Democrats, especially in the House, are quietly planning on using an obscure law that will enable them to examine the president’s tax filings without his permission.

Story Continued Below

The nearly 100-year-old statute allows the chairmen of Congress’ tax committees to look at anyone’s returns, and Democrats say they intend to use that power to help answer a long list of questions about Trump’s finances. Many also want to use it to make public confidential information about Trump’s taxes that he’s steadfastly refused to release.

“Probably the approach would be to get all of it, review it and, depending on what that shows, release all or part of it,” said Rep. Lloyd Doggett, the No. 4 Democrat on the Ways and Means Committee.

That could bring a swift end to the long-running battle over Trump’s returns, while generating loads of fodder for what promises to be an array of investigations into the administration if Democrats win power.

Lawmakers are not doing much now to advertise their opportunity to seize Trump’s returns ahead of the midterm elections, in part because some believe it will only rile his supporters.

But it could be one of the most immediate results of Democrats returning to power. Nonpartisan election experts say Democrats will likely win the House, with the Cook Political Report putting the chances at 75 percent. They’re less likely to win the Senate, though even Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has conceded that’s possible.

It would be highly unusual for Congress to release confidential tax information, though not unprecedented.

As part of their Obama-era investigations into whether the IRS discriminated against conservative groups seeking tax-exempt status, Republicans on both the Finance and Ways and Means committees agreed to release private tax information about the organizations. At the time, Democrats decried the move, though some now call it justification for unmasking Trump’s returns.

Transparency advocates have long complained about Trump bucking a 40-year tradition of presidents producing their returns. His filings could answer questions about what he earns, how much he pays in taxes and whether he gives to charity.

It could also help answer broader, nagging questions like what sort of conflicts of interests are posed by his businesses, his ties to Russia and other foreign governments and how his family benefits from government actions.

“There are legitimate oversight questions that can only be answered by having those documents,” said Sen. Mark Warner, a tax writer and the top Democrat on the chamber’s intelligence committee.

Publicly releasing the returns would not come without some risk for Democrats, and not all lawmakers are convinced it’s a good idea, let alone legal.

It would be highly unusual, and surely incense the president. Some predict it would precipitate a legal war with the administration while scuttling any chance Democrats have of working with Trump on issues where they agree, like increasing infrastructure spending. Democrats might be accused of using their access to private tax information as a political weapon.

Some also wonder if it would eventually lead to lawmakers’ releasing confidential tax filings for other officials like the vice president or members of Congress or even people outside the government.

Insiders predict though that once the public becomes aware it’s possible for Democrats to unilaterally seize Trump’s returns, they will face enormous political pressure to make them available. Others say once members of Congress receive copies of the returns, it would only be a matter of time before they are leaked to reporters.

The 1924 law stipulates the Treasury Department “shall” turn over “any return or return information” requested by the chairs of the tax committees or the head of Congress’s nonpartisan Joint Committee on Taxation for them to review privately.

The law was passed amid concerns about corruption and conflicts of interest in the executive branch, such as those posed by then-Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon’s business interests.

“When this right was first developed, it was developed in an environment not dissimilar to now,” said George Yin, a former JCT chief who now teaches at the University of Virginia’s law school.

The law has been so rarely used by Congress than even Democrats on the Senate’s tax committee said they were unaware Trump’s returns could soon be within their grasp.

“Wow,” said Sen. Sherrod Brown, a Democratic tax writer. “The Finance committee can do that?”

“I didn’t know that, but that’s interesting.”

Members of the Ways and Means committee have been feuding with Republicans over the issue for months, with the GOP repeatedly voting down Democrats’ bids to have the panel make use of the power.

Asked if they would force the issue if they win the House, Rep. Richard Neal, the panel’s top Democrat, said: “Yeah — that would be consistent with our beliefs.”

“Democrats have voted again and again to release those documents,” he said.

Democrats say they would likely bring in experts to help them understand Trump’s surely complicated finances. “There has to be a thorough review of it — and not just by members but by bringing in experts like CPAs to say, ‘What does this show?’” said Doggett.

In rare instances, lawmakers have used the law to publicly release private tax information, despite normally stiff penalties for disclosure designed to safeguard taxpayer privacy. Improperly releasing protected information is a felony, punishable by up to five years in prison — one reason why tax returns rarely leak.

In 2014 and 2015, after extensive consultations with Congress’ legal, tax and ethics advisers, both tax committees voted to release protected information as part of their investigations into the IRS’s Tea Party-targeting scandal. Lawmakers didn’t release any individual person’s returns, but the information disclosed enjoyed the same legal protections.

As Neal notes, the issue also came up during the Nixon administration.

In 1973, an IRS employee leaked Nixon’s tax return showing he paid an unusually low tax rate (Nixon’s famous “I am not a crook” quote referred to his taxes, not the better-known Watergate scandal).

Seeking to quell the issue, Nixon asked JCT to audit his returns after questions emerged about the IRS’s ability to adequately vet the president’s taxes. Four months later, JCT produced a 1,000-page report showing Nixon had underpaid his taxes over several years by almost $500,000, which amounted to half his net worth. Lawmakers agreed to make that report public, though it includes private tax information.

Said Neal: “There’s a precedent for doing this.”

Even some Republicans agree.

“The short answer is ‘yes,’” said one Republican involved in the IRS investigations.

Some outside observers warn outing Trump’s filings could inaugurate a new era where presidents are not just expected to release their returns, but are compelled to produce them by the opposing party.

“We’ve never forced presidents to release their returns by saying, ‘Do it or we’re going to do it for you.’ We’ve always relied upon them to do it voluntarily,” said Joe Thorndike, director of the Tax History Project at the nonpartisan Tax Analysts. “We would be crossing a threshold.”

What’s more, he said, there’s no reason why other elected officials might not become subject to the same standard, or perhaps even private businesses or individual taxpayers.

“It’s not limited to the president – they could release anybody’s tax return,” said Thorndike. “Where does it end?”

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How East Germany became a stronghold of the far right

In late August, a German citizen was stabbed to death in the East German town of Chemnitz. As the police launched an investigation into the murder, it announced that it had arrested two suspects, identifying them by their nationalities – a Syrian and an Iraqi.

Although subsequently, investigators reported that the true identities of the two could not be immediately verified and one of them was released for lack of evidence, the damage had already been done. The public opinion blamed the murder on refugees.

Far-right groups were quick to exploit public anger and organised large anti-immigration protests. Some 7,000 joined the demonstrations, which were marked by hate speech and violence against non-Germans. Meanwhile, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the ruling party in the East German state of Saxony, where Chemnitz is located, did little to calm down the public and confront hate-mongering by the far right.

Neither the Chemnitz protests, nor the timid reaction of the political elite are surprising. In Germany’s recent history, right-wing violence has been often officially condemned, but rarely taken seriously enough. This has allowed right-wing groups to grow and flourish, particularly in East Germany.

The rise of the far right in East Germany

Although political parties and groups were banned in East Germany during the communist era, after reunification in 1990, the far right found fertile ground in the less developed east.

Over the 1990s, the eastern states struggled with losing a significant chunk of their workforce to internal migration to the west and with adjusting to the new political and economic system.

At the same time, the immigration that had supported West Germany’s manufacturing industry started trickling into East Germany as well. Within the context of a difficult political and economic transition, public dissatisfaction started expressing itself in resentment towards these newcomers.

Whereas many urban parts of West Germany became more diverse in the 1970s and 1980s, the East was rather homogenous and remains largely so until today.

In the early 1990s, Germany witnessed a wave of far-right violence, with major incidents happening in the eastern states.

Germany jails neo-Nazi gang member for life over racist killings

In September 1991, the East German town of Hoyerswerda, witnessed a week of racist riots in which neo-Nazis targeted asylum seekers and Vietnamese and Mozambican temporary workers, who had been brought years earlier by the communist government to work in the nearby coal mine.

A violent mob besieged and attacked the hostel where the workers were staying, as local residents looked on and cheered. As the attacks persisted, the local authorities were forced to evacuate the foreigners. The neo-Nazis then focused their efforts on a dormitory housing asylum seekers from Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa. They  besieged the building and threw Molotov cocktails at it until the local authorities decided to also bus out its more than 200 inhabitants.

Although over 80 people were arrested in the riots, just 4 were convicted. The “success” of the neo-Nazi pogrom in Hoyerswerda then inspired similar attacks on foreign workers and asylum seekers across the country.

In the following years, cities across East Germany gradually became neo-Nazi strongholds. Thus, it was in the East German city of Jena that the notorious neo-Nazi terror cell “National Socialist Underground” (NSU) first appeared. And it was another East German city – Chemnitz – that its three principal members fled to and went underground, when the German authorities first picked up their trail in 1998.

The city’s flourishing neo-Nazi scene allowed the well-connected trio to live safely and move freely for a while. Meanwhile, the group killed people of Turkish, Kurdish, and Greek origin and committed terrorist attacks throughout the country.

The NSU cooperated with leading members of the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party (NPD), which has been the country’s leading right-wing extremist party since the end of the Third Reich. Founded in West Germany in 1964, the NPD never passed the 5 percent threshold in federal elections. It did, nevertheless, enjoy regional successes, especially in Saxony, where it was elected to state parliament in 2004 and 2009.

More recently, the far-right was strengthened by the rise of xenophobic groups which combine traditional German ethnocentrism with racist sentiment against the more than 1 million newly arrived Arab and African refugees.

The Islamophobic movement Pegida (Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the Occident), was founded in Saxony’s capital Dresden in 2014 and it regularly organises racist manifestations in East Germany.

Germany: Chemnitz protests against immigration policy

The political party AfD (Alternative for Germany), founded in 2013, has also been quite popular among East German voters. In Saxony, it even emerged as the strongest party in the 2017 federal elections, outperforming the CDU. NSU-style groups have also appeared; earlier this year eight people were sentenced to prison for organising a “defence group” which targeted refugees in the Saxony town of Freital.

As a result of the continuing and strong neo-Nazi presence and the emergence of these new xenophobic groups, violence against foreigners and asylum seekers is quite common in East Germany. Saxon towns like Leipzig, Dresden, and Bautzen, have witnessed neo-Nazi marches, attacks on refugee housings and individual hate crimes. While hate attacks have gradually decreased in western states, in the east, their number remains significantly high.

In 2017, the East German states of Branderburg had the highest number of attacks per capita – 85 per million residents – followed by Saxony – 61 and Saxony-Anhalt – 51. By comparison, the western states of Hamburg, North Rhine- Westphalia and Bremen had respectively 7, 5 and 3 per million inhabitants.

How appeasement is helping the far right

Instead of taking serious measures to counter the dangerous rise of the far right in East Germany, the ruling party, CDU, has been in a state of denial of years.

Saxony’s Prime Minister Michael Kretschmer’s reaction to what happened in Chemnitz is a good illustration of that. Although Kretschmer admitted that right-wing extremism is the greatest threat to German democracy and that it was, so far, not effectively countered in Saxony, he said there were no mobs and no pogroms in Chemnitz. Instead, he criticised the media for depicting Saxony unfavourably.

Indeed, the CDU, which has ruled over Saxony since reunification, has traditionally downplayed the presence of neo-Nazi communities.”Saxons are immune to right-wing extremism,” Kurt Biedenkopf, who served as Saxony’s prime minister between 1990 and 2003, once said.

In 2015, he brushed off far-right attacks against refugees, claiming they had no political importance and seemed to show understanding for Pegida’s protests.

This public denial by the ruling party that the far-right presence and strength in Saxony and beyond is real and that its actions are indeed serious is what has enabled it to grow.   

There has also been hardly any serious action taken to counter and prosecute hate speech by organisations like the AfD. Few have condemned their toxic rhetoric about the need for “self-defence” against what they call “knife migration” (a term suggesting all migrants are potential criminals).

In Saxony, the CDU has shown a rather accommodating attitude towards far-right groups and has even taken to adopting their rhetoric.

Stanislaw Tillich, a leading CDU politician and Saxony’s prime minister until 2017, responded to AfD’s success in the 2017 elections by syaing: “The people want Germany to remain Germany. They do not want refugees to engage in religious and political disputes here.”

In a 2015 interview, he also said that “Islam does not belong to Saxony.”

Such populism from the ruling party has prevented civil and political engagement with the threat of the far right and has allowed the public discourse to continue obsessing about immigrants and Muslims.

As German expert on right-wing extremism Robert Claus told me, in dealing with the AfD, “the CDU is trying to adopt some of the AfD’s demands in order to attract some of the AfD’s voters.” This means that the CDU “is constantly reiterating the position of the AfD and strengthening it.”

In this way, centrist political forces have allowed AfD and other far-right groups to join Germany’s mainstream politics. As a result, their racist populism has become part and parcel of the political discourse in Germany and has started to dominate public debate well beyond Saxony and East Germany.

Historically, this type of appeasement of far-right groups has had disastrous consequences. It is time for Germany’s centrist political forces to recognise that and to take urgent action.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance. 

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