Death of Apple executive Vivek Tiwari causes uproar in Lucknow

New Delhi, India – Activists are calling for police reforms following a shooting in which a police officer killed an Apple executive in the state of Uttar Pradesh on Saturday.

Vivek Tiwari, a sales manager at Apple, was travelling in a car with a colleague on Saturday in the northern city of Lucknow when two police constables on a routine patrol tried to stop the vehicle and then shot Tiwari dead.

The police officer has claimed innocence although a complaint filed by Tiwari’s wife has a detailed account of the “encounter”.

This was the latest in a series of extrajudicial killings by police in the state.

“I didn’t shoot at him. The bullet was shot by mistake,” Prashant Chaudhary, the policeman who shot Tiwari told reporters on Sunday.

However, the state’s top police officer, O.P. Singh, said on Saturday that the officer claimed to have fired in self-defence. 

Both constables involved in the incident have now been arrested.

The damaged vehicle of Vivek Tiwari after he was shot dead by a police officer [Reuters]

Days after the killing that sparked massive outrage about the state of law and order, the state government has promised cash compensation of 4 million rupees ($54,600) for his family and a job at the municipal corporation for his widow.

“I wanted strict action against the guilty, a job, accommodation, expenses for education of my daughters and my mother-in-law. My demands have been met,” Vivek’s wife Kalpana Tiwari told reporters on Monday at her residence after she met the state Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath.

“The backbone of the family has been broken. He leaves behind two young daughters and a devastated wife. Vivek is gone and nothing can replace him but we hope those who shot him will be brought to justice,” Vishnu Kant Shukla, brother-in-law of Vivek told Al Jazeera.

‘Attempted cover-up’

The First Information Report (FIR) filed with the police by Kalpana on Sunday also claimed that police officials at the crime scene did not allow his colleague, Sana Khan, who was a witness to the murder, to receive or make calls.

“We are aware of reports that some officials were trying to cover up the matter. But our government will not spare any guilty official. If there’s a criminal in uniform we will weed them out. We are committed to providing justice to the family,” Brijesh Pathak, Uttar Pradesh’s minister for Law and Justice and a lawmaker from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, told Al Jazeera.

Human rights campaigners say frequent military-style police operations and extrajudicial police killings of alleged criminals and gang members are becoming common again since the installation of a new right-wing Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath.

“For those who believe in the way of the gun, they will be answered by the gun,” Adityanath had said at a public event in Gorakhpur earlier this year responding to criticism about these police killings.

‘Trigger-happy police force’

According to official data released by UP state police, there have been 1,144 “encounters” (the term used to describe extrajudicial action) in the state, resulting in 34 deaths, between March 2017 and January 2018. The People’s Union of Civil Liberties says the number is much higher.

The state figures among the worst in terms of law and order and the government claims it is cracking down on crime.

“The government has given a free license to kill people in the name of ‘encounters’. Most of these are fake encounters. When the police is given a free hand for extrajudicial killings, then the result is a trigger-happy police force,” retired police officer SR Darapuri in Lucknow tells Al Jazeera.

“When the state shield officers, it becomes very difficult to prosecute them,” he adds.

India has long grappled with conflicting positions on extrajudicial killings by security forces across states.

Human rights groups have raised questions over police accounts of such killings calling them “pre-meditated murder”.

India’s Supreme Court is currently hearing a public interest litigation on encounters by the police in the state.

Earlier this year, the country’s top human rights body, the National Human Rights Commission, had also directed the state government to set up a probe panel to investigate these “encounter” killings even as activists decry serious human rights violations.

“Over 30 percent of encounters in India happen in this state, but crimes have not gone down. The police are not allowed to hand down death penalties like this, where is the due process of law? Most human rights violations are being perpetrated by security officials but still police reforms are not being implemented” activist Suhas Chakma at “Rights and Risk Analysis Group” in New Delhi told Al Jazeera.

“Whether it’s Duterte in Philippines or Hasina in Bangladesh, they first target the drug lords and the criminals to lull the people into a false sense of security. That’s why we don’t see mass protests against these killings,” he added.

Many family members of the alleged criminals gunned down by police in recent months have complained about these shoot-outs being a “set-up”. They allege the “armed exchanges” did not take place at all.

“There is a pattern to this – it’s as if the same police officials were present at all the encounters. You have the same narrative leading to the encounter, the police procedure during and after the killings. The uncanny similarity of these killings establish beyond reasonable doubt that these are staged,” said activist Chakma.

Independent media reports have also raised doubts over these killings, claimed as active shoot-outs by the police.

“Investigations in such cases are mostly done by a neighbouring police station, how can you expect an unbiased independent probe?” Darapuri says.

In some recent cases, including one earlier last month, the police invited journalists to “watch and film a real encounter” where they gunned down two Muslim men Naushad and Mustakhim in Machua village near Aligarh.

A high-caste Brahmin, Vivek Tiwari’s murder on Saturday and the promptness with which the administration acted was a departure from the apathy in similar cases where the victims were lower castes, poor or Muslims, activists point out.

“Most of the people killed in this manner by the police are Dalits, Muslims and the vulnerable poor people. The police terrorises them to such an extent that they are unable to push their complaints through the justice system. This is why guilty policemen go scot-free,” former police officer Darapuri points out.

Follow Zeenat Saberin on Twitter @saberinze

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#MeToo has sparked a big shift in attitudes towards harassment, new research shows

Gabriella Mora holds a #MeToo sign during a rally in Boston  to call on Senator Jeff Flake to reject Judge Brett Kavanaugh's nomination to the Supreme Court.
Gabriella Mora holds a #MeToo sign during a rally in Boston  to call on Senator Jeff Flake to reject Judge Brett Kavanaugh’s nomination to the Supreme Court.

Image: Jessica Rinaldi/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

2016%2f09%2f16%2fe7%2fhttpsd2mhye01h4nj2n.cloudfront.netmediazgkymde1lzex.0212fBy Rachel Thompson

#MeToo. Those were the two words that started a revolution.

One year on from the outpouring of profoundly personal stories about sexual harassment and violence, research has found that the movement prompted a major shift in people’s attitude’s towards harassment. 

SEE ALSO: Women over 50 see sexual harassment very differently than millennials

New research by the Fawcett Society, the UK’s leading gender equality organisation, reveals that there’s been a “significant shift in attitudes to sexual harassment.” According to the study, 53 percent of people say that since #MeToo, attitudes about what’s considered “acceptable” are different. 

The research also found that young men are “more likely to challenge sexual harassment” since the #MeToo movement. 58 percent of young men say they’re now “more likely to speak up against sexual harassment.” 

A year on since #MeToo went viral, over half of young people say they are now more likely to speak up against sexual harassment, incl. 58% of young men. Attitudes are shifting fast. Now it’s time for tougher legislation and real, lasting culture change. https://t.co/ahy1zf6vpa

— Fawcett Society (@fawcettsociety) October 2, 2018

The largest shift in attitudes occurred among people aged between 18 and 24 and over half of them say they’re more likely to challenge harassment post-#MeToo. The findings also showed that 50 percent of young people believe that our standards about “what is acceptable” has also altered.  

Attitudes among older men are lagging behind, however. Per the research, a mere 16 percent of men of the age of 55 have talked to another man about sexual harassment — compared to 54 percent of young men. 

“Older men have to be part of the change because they often hold positions of power. But their attitudes are lagging behind.”

“This survey confirms that we have had a year of disruptive attitudinal and behavioural change and that was long overdue,” Sam Smethers — Fawcett Society chief executive — said in a statement emailed to Mashable. “Other evidence shows we are also still seeing significant numbers of women being sexually harassed at work. Now it is time for tougher legislation and real, lasting culture change.”

Smethers added that older men also need to play a part in the cultural shift because of the power they hold. “Older men have to be part of the change because they often hold positions of power. But their attitudes are lagging behind.  They don’t seem to realise the #MeToo movement is also about them,” Smethers continued. 

Smethers added that section 40 of the Equality Act should be brought back, outlawing harassment from customers and clients. “We also need to go further and place a new duty on large employers to prevent discrimination and harassment. Employers have to take responsibility for their own workplace culture,” she continued. 

Sarah Green, co-director of End Violence Against Women Coalition, said the UK’s justice system needs to catch up with the shift in attitudes. “We are a year on from the truly global explosion of #MeToo, first started by young black women who found people looked the other way when they called out sexual abuse,” she said. 

Now that people’s attitudes are starting to change, it’s time the legal system reflected those changes. 

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Airline gives us a good reason to actually use AR

KLM's app has an AR feature to measure your luggage at home.
KLM’s app has an AR feature to measure your luggage at home.

Image: KLM Royal Dutch Airlines

2016%2f10%2f18%2f6f%2f2016101865slbw.6b8ca.6b5d9By Sasha Lekach

Finally, here’s some augmented reality that’s somewhat useful.

Last month, KLM Royal Dutch Airlines released a hand bag check to see what you can bring onto the plane — before you lug your stuff to the airport.

Using the KLM app, you can check the dimensions of your baggage to see if it’s the correct size for carry-on or for checking. You open the app, load up the AR bag-checker, and a virtual suitcase appears that you can scan over your actual piece of luggage to see if it fits within the blue KLM suitcase.

Starting Tuesday, the same mixed-reality bag check is also available on the Messenger app, making this maybe the only situation in which you’d want to use Messenger to talk to a brand.

AR tends to get applied to gimmicky marketing experiences, like Air New Zealand’s recent pop-up in downtown Chicago that showed what the business class experience is like through AR to promote its new route, or to push e-commerce (Snapchat is using AR to let users shop on Amazon through the camera app). This one is more aligned with utility. The bag-measuring feature is similar to the Measure app on iOS, which puts a virtual ruler on real-life objects.

SEE ALSO: This AR documentary lets you know how it really feels to interrogate someone at immigration

KLM seems to have added the AR feature as a way to draw attention to its app, which lets you book your flight or store your e-ticket. Now the company’s using the same AR tool through its business Messenger app. Facebook announced that some brands would be able to use AR through the platform back in May. After who-knows-how-many passengers asked about luggage size limits, the company is using the Messenger and in-app AR experience to pretty much make a game out of checking your baggage size. 

The airline has previously dabbled in AR for less-than-useful purposes, like sharing a 360-degree view of its Dreamliner aircraft. (I mean, it veers into cool, but it’s not that handy.)

While the luggage tool is mostly a guide and doesn’t jump you through airport security or anything, it’s still one of the most helpful AR uses we’ve seen.

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Perfect gifts for the inconsolable ‘Parks and Rec’ fans in your life

Leslie Knope has many talents, but one of her best is the ability to give the perfect gift.

There’s an innate goodness embedded into the DNA of Parks and Recreation. Maybe that’s why it’s still so hard to let go of our beloved Pawnee, Indiana squad almost four years after the series said goodbye.

Now, with the holiday season officially here, many of us are taking a page from Leslie’s playbook as we ponder how we’ll surprise and delight our loved ones with thoughtful gifts in the coming months. For the Parks and Rec superfan in your life, here’s an idea: Stay on brand.

SEE ALSO: Here are the perfect gifts for any ‘Fortnite’ fanatic

If you have a loved one who still watches Leslie Knope’s adventures on a regular basis, make their holidays special with one of these Parks and Rec-adjacent gifts.

1. Literally any other Michael Schur series on DVD/Blu-ray

NBC's 'The Good Place'

Image: NBC

OK fine, this one’s kind of obvious. Michael Schur is the co-creator of Parks and Rec, but he’s got a lot of other major credits connected to his name, including The Office (U.S. version), Brooklyn Nine-Nine, and The Good Place.

There’s no wrong choice here. All of these shows are better than most of the other things on TV.

Price: Under $20 per season on Amazon

2. Parks and Rec swag

My Parks and Rec-loving wife absolutely adores her City of Pawnee Parks Department tote bag and coffee mug.

The series may have ended years ago, but NBC still sells an impressively large catalog of Parks and Rec merchandise on its website. Hoodies, t-shirts, mugs, glasses, beach towels, smartphone cases… you name it. Not seeing anything on NBC’s website? Try Etsy or Redbubble for fan-created merch.

It may be a little on the nose as a gift, but what fan doesn’t like repping their fandom?

Price: Varies by item in the NBC store

3. Offerman Woodshop products

wood projects by Nick Offerman

Image: offerman woodshop

You might not know this, but Ron Swanson’s love for wood and woodworking isn’t just a fictional hobby. It’s also a real-life interest for the actor who plays him, Nick Offerman.

Offerman Woodshop offers a range of products for different levels of interest and price points. There are books and branded souvenir-type items, as well as much more expensive works of wooden art. You can even purchase slabs of different types of wood, to fuel your gift recipient’s burgeoning interest in woodworking.

Price: Varies by item in the Offerman Workshop

4. A bottle of Lagavulin Whisky

While we’re on the subject of Ron Swanson, let’s talk about whiskey. Ron’s a big fan of the stuff. And Lagavulin, a single malt scotch brewed on the island of Islay in Scotland, is his brand of choice.

It’s potent stuff, and definitely not for everyone. Even if you’re getting the gift for an over-21 recipient, make sure they like scotch before picking up a bottle. You can spend hundreds, even thousands, on a good bottle of Lagavulin. But even on the low end (which is still plenty good), you should expect to spend no less than $60.

Price: Varies by vintage on MasterOfMalt.com

5. A good waffle maker

Leslie Knope’s love for waffles is legendary. And while we don’t have access to J.J.’s Diner, we can brighten a Parks and Rec fan’s day with a strategically gifted waffle maker.

That’s exactly what Ben and Anne did in a Season 5 episode when they both decided it was time to out-gift Leslie. Follow their example. There are plenty of options to choose from.

Price: Varies on Amazon

6. The Settlers of Catan

The Settlers of Catan

Image: mayfair games

Ben Wyatt’s fictional Cones of Dunshire never made the leap into real life, but there are other ways to celebrate the beloved Ice Clown’s nerdy appreciation for tabletop games. Did you know, for example, that Ben is a nationally ranked Settlers of Catan pro?

The game of settling a new land and building up a stockpile of resources isn’t difficult to find, nor is it hard to learn. But anyone hoping to achieve Ben Wyatt levels of Catan mastery needs to have a copy of the game for themselves.

Price: $44.99 on Amazon

7. America the Beautiful annual pass

Leslie Knope loves her parks. She’s the most devoted to Anne, Ben, and Pawnee (in that order), but her job running Pawnee’s parks department is much more than just a 9-to-5. She cares about creating happy public spaces for the people in her community.

You can help your Parks and Rec-loving friends and family celebrate that love with an America the Beautiful annual pass. The $80 pass gives its owner and up to three guests (16 or older) free access to more than 2,000 federally operated recreation sites (details here), located all across the country.

Price: $80 on the USGS website

8. Muncie, Indiana getaway

Muncie, Indiana on a map

Image: Shutterstock / sevenMaps7

This is more of a DIY gift. Jerry Gergich’s love for the small, real-life city of Muncie, Indiana is well known on the show. As he mentions on more than one occasion, it’s his family’s preferred vacation destination.

Since you can’t gift anyone a trip to Pawnee — the city only exists in our hearts, sadly — do the next best thing and gift a trip to Muncie instead. There’s a whole website devoted to Muncie tourism, in fact, with suggestions on where to stay, what to eat, and how to fill your time there.

Price: Varies depending on how you spend your trip

9. Gift card for Michael’s or another local crafts store

Leslie Knope is an expert quilter and a god-tier scrapbooker. 

Those are skills that can’t be gifted. But you can give your loved one a hearty push in the right direction by funding their shopping spree at any local crafts store. They don’t even have to buy yarn/knitting needles or scrapbooking supplies (though Leslie would probably feel betrayed by that decision). 

Price: Pick your own price via Michael’s

10. Miniature horse

Lil’ Sebastian is adorable and all, but this is no impulse gift. The up front cost of buying a miniature horse is multiple thousands of dollars on the low end. Then, it’s hundreds more each month — for 20 to 30 years, most likely — to keep the animal stabled, fed, and trained. (Start looking here.)

On the flip side, all that money does pay for a miniature horse. Which is like a normal-ass large horse, but tiny. That said, you’ll still probably want to confer with your friend or loved one — spoil the surprise, as it were — before you consider such an expensive and commitment-heavy gift.

Price: A lot

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Tile puts replaceable batteries into its Mate and Sport trackers

Disclosure

Every product here is independently selected by Mashable journalists. If you buy something featured, we may earn an affiliate commission which helps support our work.

Image: tile

2018%2f05%2f22%2f78%2fimg 2415.d8e2bBy Jake Krol

Tile has more or less defined the “personal object tracking” category with its range of Bluetooth trackers that you clip or attach to various things (like house keys) to keep from misplacing them. By connecting these beacons with an iOS or Android device, you can easily find your things by “ringing” them. However, its Achilles’ heel of the devices is that they eventually stop working because their batteries aren’t replaceable.

Now Tile can say goodbye to that weakness. The Tile Mate and Tile Pro, announced this morning, have user-replaceable batteries. (Tile is keeping its $25 and $35 price points, respectively, and will kick off orders today.)

SEE ALSO: Lost keys could be a thing of the past thanks to this nifty tracker

The upgrade fixes the main issue that users won’t have to buy a new Tile each time one dies. A watch battery (CR1632 or CR2032) now powers the Tile, and those are widely available. This is also better for the environment since every Tile won’t be thrown out when the battery dies. 

I met with Simon Fleming-Wood, the chief experience officer at Tile, and he told me that the implementation of a battery took several tries. Eventually, the team decided to incorporate a sliding door in way so you won’t need a tool to open it, and the battery won’t fall out by accident. The battery in the box is guaranteed to last for one year.

Image: jake krol/mashable

Sound and Bluetooth connectivity range has also been improved. Both models have a louder speaker, and you can also customize the volume within the app. The Mate has a 150-foot connection, and the Pro now has a range of 300 feet. Despite these three new features, the price stays the same, and the devices aren’t any bigger.

Along with the new hardware, Tile is introducing a subscription service. Tile Premium is meant to provide peace of mind, dedicated support, and better alerts. The service is $2.99 a month or $29.99 for a full year. Subscribers will get an automatic replacement battery to arrive before the current battery dies, with the battery and shipping cost covered. They’ll also get an 30-day  location history for each Tile device (including third-party products). In addition to traditional email or chat support, they’ll get a number to text as well.

Image: TILE

Smart Alerts, along with the battery replacements, are probably the most significant benefit. You can now switch on alerts to be notified if you leave your home without a specific Tile. It still uses the same Bluetooth technology to track a Tile, but in this case, you set up a geofence around your home. With it set up, if you leave without your keys that have a Tile Mate on them, it can ping you. Luckily you can turn this on for select Tiles since you might not want to bring everything with you. The geofence is a beta feature for all premium users. 

We’ll be doing a deep dive into Tile Premium, as well as the new Mate and Pro, in a full review arriving soon.

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Fears of violence as Nepal cracks down on Maoist splinter group

Kathmandu, Nepal – The Nepal government’s nationwide crackdown on a Maoist splinter group has raised fears of violence more than 10 years after the end of an armed communist rebellion.

Up to 100 leaders and cadres of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN), including its top leaders, have been jailed for their alleged role in pre-election violence. The party had boycotted the November general elections last year.

The CPN leaders and many of its cadres once fought alongside the Maoist rebels during the decade-old civil war (1996-2006), but split from the main group after the latter decided to disband the People’s Liberation Army as part of a peace deal.

Analysts fear the continued crackdown could trigger more violence from the group, which accuses the ruling Maoists of abandoning the path of “people’s revolution”.

The most high-profile arrest was of Khadga Bahadur Bishwakarma, spokesman of the CPN, who was detained on August 8 on the outskirts of the capital, Kathmandu.

He has been repeatedly arrested allegedly for extortion, arson and explosion of improvised devices during and after the elections, in some cases targeting election candidates.

Bishwakarma was released on September 25 following a Supreme Court directive, but dozens of party cadres still remain behind the bar.

The government is intent on suppressing our movement. It is not interested in addressing our demands to organise rallies and mass meetings.

Gunaraj Lohani, CPN leader

Across the country, the party’s cadres including district secretaries were arrested by the police. Last week, in Rolpa district, a former Maoist stronghold, police detained Santosh Subedi, the party’s district secretary when he was attending a funeral after the death of his comrade’s father.

The CPN leaders call the current government led by Nepal Communist Party (NCP), of which the main Maoists are a part, a “social fascists”.

“We have urged the government to release our cadres unconditionally and withdraw cases against them. We must be allowed to conduct our political activities,” said Gunaraj Lohani, the CPN leader.

Though the government has formed a panel for talks with the faction, Lohani said it was only for public consumption.

“The talk team doesn’t seem serious in resolving this issue,” he said.

“The government is intent on suppressing our movement. It is not interested in addressing our demands to organise rallies and mass meetings,” he told Al Jazeera.

Som Prasad Pandey, a ruling party legislator who heads the five-member panel, told Al Jazeera his team had already held informal talks with the CPN and would formally discuss their demands next week.

“Our brief is to talk to more than 42 groups consisting of dissidents and engaged in conflict with the state.

“We have already held talks with six groups. We will hold talks with three types of groups – those with whom previous governments have signed peace agreements that are yet to be implemented, those that are yet to agree on a deal, and new forces that have emerged after the promulgation of Constitution in 2015,” Pandey said.

He urged the government to create an environment for talks by addressing the dissidents’ demands such as releasing their cadres.

‘Our party is still deeply divided’

CPN leaders say the communist government, which was inaugurated in February, begun a crackdown against them as soon as it took over.

Led by Netra Bikram Chand, better known as “Biplab”, the hardline Maoist faction boycotted the parliamentary polls in which the former Maoist rebels and their ally, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), won in a landslide.

The CPN has a presence in most of the country’s 77 districts. Under its two fronts – underground and open – the party has mobilised cadres across the country.

The party still calls for “unified people’s revolution” – a goal the former Maoists led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal or Prachanda has since abandoned in favour of parliamentary democracy.

Prachanda currently serves as a co-chair of the ruling party and another former Maoist leader heads the interior ministry that has led the crackdown.

Mani Thapa, a leader of the ruling Maoist party, said the government could have launched the crackdown fearing the CPN could be used by opposition and other forces against the government.

“The party led by ‘Biplab’ could take advantage of the chaos, but I don’t think their leadership has any long-term vision and plan,” Thapa said.

The CPN leaders claim they are the true political heirs of the Maoist “people’s war” waged between 1996 and 2006, which left over 16,000 people dead before arms were laid down in a peace deal.

The fundamental problems of our society, which the Maoists vowed to change when they launched the war, remain the same.

Sudheer Sharma, analyst

The group has vowed to revive the war-time “people’s government” and “people’s court” – an agenda the government fears may lead to instability and violence.

Analysts say the Maoist splinter party is trying to cash in on the dissatisfaction among people regarding the government.

“The fundamental problems of our society, which the Maoists vowed to change when they launched the war, remain the same,” said Sudheer Sharma, an authority on Nepal’s Maoist war and a leading commentator.

Lohani, the dissident leader, said his party’s views diverged from those of his former comrades, who have since merged to form the ruling Nepal Communist Party.

“The ‘people’s war’ ended our country’s feudalism. Instead of entering into the stage of capitalism, the country found itself mired in comprador capitalism,” he said.

“The current form of the state allows foreign investors to exploit our natural resources,” he added.

Though Lohani was cagey about his party’s strategy on the proposed rebellion, several cadres signalled that the party, instead of zeroing in on their campaign in rural areas would, mobilise its forces to attack urban centres.

The government has accused the CPN of extorting business people, a charge denied by CPN’s Lohani.

He said that talks are under way to unite left parties to tap into the dissatisfaction among people.

Political commentator Jhalak Subedi said there was a potential for a peaceful movement by mobilising factory workers and labourers, but it was not clear whether the CPN could lead such a protest.

“They might carry out attacks on government installations, but it’s hard to influence a larger section of society. I don’t think people are willing to support yet another insurgency,” Subedi told Al Jazeera.

“They have resorted to extortion and justice via kangaroo courts. A bourgeois class has emerged within the party. So, I don’t think it could be successful in carrying out an armed revolution.

“Some would be drawn to it on the basis of ideology while others, who were sidelined in the main Maoist party, will be attracted to it,” he said.

Sharma, the political commentator, said a crackdown will further radicalise the group.

“The Maoists launched a new experiment with the insurgency in 1996, but it largely failed to meet its stated goal. The war ended in a compromise. So many people may not find it attractive because that idea has already been tested in Nepal,” he said.

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Snobbery about romcoms goes all the way back to the 1930s

There is no medicine on earth that has the power to heal me in the way romantic comedies do. OK, well that statement is probably completely medically inaccurate, but I just completely and utterly adore this wildly underrated genre. 

For many years, I was somewhat coy about my adoration of this genre. In my early twenties, I wouldn’t admit to friends that I’d watched Notting Hill for the umpteenth time, but would instead gush about some arthouse film that I’d barely understood, let alone enjoyed. At university, I’d hide my DVD copies of My Best Friend’s Wedding, When Harry Met Sally, Bridget Jones’ Diary. Looking back now, I wish I hadn’t done that. But I also know that I did that because of a palpable cultural snobbery surrounding the genre of film I love the most. Whenever I did talk about the genre, it was always met with disparaging comments that it was a lesser art form, that it wasn’t high-brow. Ugh.

SEE ALSO: ‘Crazy Rich Asians’ stars try (and fail) to identify classic romcoms from iconic quotes

This year, with the release of Crazy Rich Asians and To All The Boys I’ve Loved Before, I decided it was high time we reclaimed this wonderful genre. But, in order to do so, we need to fully understand the reasons behind the reluctance to recognise the cultural value of the romantic comedy. 

Constance Wu and Tan Kheng Hua in 'Crazy Rich Asians'

Constance Wu and Tan Kheng Hua in ‘Crazy Rich Asians’

Image: warner bros. 

“If you think about women located as consumers within the 20th century, using the supermarket is concatenated with women’s reading.”

According to academics, the romantic comedy has been a genre associated with women since its inception — and it’s because of this association that it’s considered inferior. Dr Stacy Gillis, lecturer in modern and contemporary literature at Newcastle University, says that the romantic comedy has been a “staple of Hollywood since the 1930s” but it’s always had a “very specifically gendered marketplace” that it’s been aimed at. 

Gillis says this gendering coincides with the rise of “romance fiction as we know it today” from the 1930s. “At the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th, romance was a term often used to refer to adventure romance, scientific romance, it meant popular storytelling,” says Gillis. 

Some of the most commercially successful books from the ’20s and ’30s were actually romance fiction written by women, but they weren’t considered the best of the best. “Any university syllabus of the 1920s will say, James Joyce one of the most seminal authors of the 20th century, but actually one of the bestselling novels in 1926 is Georgette Heyer’s These Old Shades,” says Gillis. “This is what people are reading, they’re not reading Joyce.” In the 1930s, Daphne Du Maurier’s Rebecca “sold very well,” says Gillis, but “wasn’t seen as the pinnacle of a certain kind of fiction. This is because “mechanisms” like university syllabi and book prizes “valorise a certain kind of reading,” according to Gillis.”What often happens is writing by women and about women — and I’d extend that notion to the romantic comedy — gets pushed to the peripheries,” she says.

The product placement of romantic fiction also plays a role in how we culturally view romance as a genre. When publisher Mills & Boon began investing in romance fiction in the 1930s, that’s when romantic fiction became “synonymous with formulaic plots.” “They had a distribution cycle that often saw them placed in supermarkets, so this goes hand in the hand with the dismissal of a certain kind of literature that you’re reading quickly and not reading critically, that has the same kind of plot,” says Gillis. “If you think about women located as consumers within the 20th century, using the supermarket is concatenated with women’s reading.”

Meg Ryan and Billy Crystal  in 'When Harry Met Sally'

Meg Ryan and Billy Crystal  in ‘When Harry Met Sally’

Image: Castle Rock/Nelson/Columbia/Kobal/REX/Shutterstock

Another genre that follows a kind of formula — and could be labeled “formulaic” is the Western. But, rather than being dismissed as low-brow, it’s revered as the acme of cinema. Double standard?

“Because we live in a patriarchy, [romance] is dismissed as being inconsequential or ephemeral whereas something like science-fiction or the Western are not,” says Gillis. “Actually, the Western in Hollywood cinema had a very long and well-respected history whereas the romantic comedy is just seen as froth.”

This use of the term “formulaic” to dismiss romantic films as “froth” is actually a completely invalid argument. As Dr Faye Woods — a lecturer in film, theatre and television at the University of Reading — points out: ” romantic comedy is often described as ‘formulaic’ or ‘unrealistic’, but genre is a formula.” 

“Horror, westerns, war films, and sports movies don’t get described as formulaic, but romcoms and musicals are.”

“Horror, westerns, war films, and sports movies don’t get described as formulaic, but romcoms and musicals are,” says Woods. “These are genres built around pleasure and require great skill in creating. A well-built genre follows a formula and that’s why they are emotionally satisfying.”

So, what exactly is it about romcoms that makes people slap on the “formulaic” label? Well, the answer is, in part, rooted in misogyny. 

“Romantic comedy, as with much culture created for women, is not creatively and culturally valued,” says Woods. Does society have a problem with the way it views films about women’s lives and emotions? “We might think about how, socially, the lower status genres are female focused. The way that soap or melodrama is used as a descriptive term in a negative way, when they are genres that value complex emotion-focused storytelling,” Woods adds. 

Meg Ryan and Tom Hanks in 'Sleepless In Seattle'

Meg Ryan and Tom Hanks in ‘Sleepless In Seattle’

Image: Bruce McBroom/Tri-Star/Kobal/REX/Shutterstock

But, this devaluing of art about and for women stems from the way we view women’s pleasure and emotions. “As a culture we look down on and devalue emotions that are seen as feminine, in the same way that we devalue and mock female pleasure (Magic Mike XXL, Book Club, 50 Shades),” says Woods. “How pleasure is framed as ‘guilty’, and what kinds of genres and forms fall into this — romance, pop, weepies.”

In the same way that our emotions and desires are dismissed, so too are our feelings pertaining to the books and films we like. Gillis says that the “narratives in which women’s desires” — not just the sexual and emotional ones — are dismissed, also dismiss our “reading desires” and movie ones as “worthless.” 

For this reason, it’s extremely important we show pride in the books, movies, and TV shows we love, Gillis says. “I think it’s really important that we stand up for these movies, novels that we really believe in,” she says. 

Kurt Russell and Goldie Hawn in 'Overboard'

Kurt Russell and Goldie Hawn in ‘Overboard’

Image: MGM/Kobal/REX/Shutterstock

That’s why it’s important to celebrate the films we’re actually watching on repeat — not the ones our culture tells us are smarter or superior in some way. “How many times have people seen Sleepless In Seattle versus insert-name-of-arthouse cinema?” asks Gillis. 

“I can’t tell you how many times I’ve watched the Goldie Hawn and Kurt Russell film Overboard,” she says. “I think it’s one of the funniest movies ever made but it’s never gonna win any awards for high-brow filmmaking.”

I too can’t tell you how many times I’ve watched Julia Roberts tell Hugh Grant that she’s “just a girl standing in front of a boy asking him to love her.” But, I can tell you that I am ready for each and every one of us to start celebrating the movies we can’t stop ourselves from watching. The ones we’re ashamed to admit we like. 

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Meet the fattest bears of 2018’s Fat Bear Week

Meet the fat bears of Katmai National Park.
Meet the fat bears of Katmai National Park.

Image: Bob Al-Greene/mashable

2017%2f12%2f04%2f7d%2fmarkpic.c6031By Mark Kaufman

Welcome to Fat Bear Week at Mashable! Each fall, Katmai National Park holds a competition as Alaska’s brown bears finish fattening up for their long winter hibernation. This year, Mashable is getting in on the salmon-munching action. Check back with us all week as we follow the fat bear face-offs each day, and remember to get your votes in for each round. Happy fishing!


By the fall of each year, the brown bears of Katmai National Park grow exceptionally fat. The largest males, in fact, can tip the scales at more than 1,000 pounds.

This year, 13 plump omnivores have made it into the official Fat Bear Week contest, after park rangers selected the bulkiest contenders. 

Over the next month, the bears will begin hibernating, slowly burn through their ample fat stores while slumbering through the harsh Alaskan winter. 

Before their hibernation can begin, however, we — their adoring public — must pick our champion: the fattest fat bear of them all.

The 2018 Fat Bear Week Bracket

The 2018 Fat Bear Week Bracket

Image: Bob Al-Greene/Mashable 

Katmai has released its bracket of fattest bears, and voting begins on Wednesday. But first, it’s time to get to know the bears of 2018’s competition.

The bracket is populated with some globally popular characters — such as Holly, Otis, and 747 — bears who have earned their fame while fishing on the explore.org live webcams.

Typically, there are 12 bears for the 12 playoff spots. But 2018 isn’t your average fat bear bracket. 

SEE ALSO: Fat Bear Week is here: Your complete guide to nature’s most exciting competition

The twelfth spot is shared by two sibling cubs who just spent their second year in the wild, munching salmon along Katmai National Park’s Brooks River.

To help you cast informed votes, each day both Mashable and Katmai National Park will post “dueling” comparison images of each bear — from their early summer state to their present, rotund forms — so you can judge just how fat they’ve gotten this summer while devouring the skin, brains, and vivid red flesh of sockeye salmon. 

We’re entering the last few weeks of weight gain before Fat Bear Week commences. Here’s a look at 747 (foreground) and 480 (background). Which bear seems to have gained the most weight so far this season? pic.twitter.com/OPNvS6VvB6

— Katmai National Park (@KatmaiNPS) September 8, 2018

The voting is ultimately done through Katmai’s Facebook page, but before you cast your ballot, it’s time to do a little research:

Your 2018 Fat Bear Week Competitors  

Bear 435, aka “Holly”

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

In 2014, Holly adopted an orphaned cub that had been abandoned in Katmai. 

This year, she returns with two yearling cubs — cubs that already survived their first year in the wild and are back for a second summer and have their own shared spot on the bracket. 

Holly’s adopted cub, Bear 503, is now a young adult that’s facing off in this year’s Fat Bear Week competition.

Bear 435's cubs

Bear 435’s cubs

Image: Bob Al-greene/Mashable

Bear 480, “Otis”

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

Bear 747. No, that's not a nickname. He just grew into his number.

Bear 747. No, that’s not a nickname. He just grew into his number.

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

Bear 854, “Divot”

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

Bear 503 was once adopted by Bear 435, Holly.

Bear 503 was once adopted by Bear 435, Holly.

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

Bear 856, the king of the Brooks River.

Bear 856, the king of the Brooks River.

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

Bear 151, “Walker”

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

Bear 409, “Beadnose”

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

<img alt="Bear 719" class="" data-caption="Bear 719" data-credit-name="BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE
” data-credit-provider=”custom type” data-fragment=”m!eda0″ data-image=”https://ift.tt/2O1MrCg; data-micro=”1″ src=”https://i.amz.mshcdn.com/L7d2JPafvzC_nMKcLDVrmoriZ0s=/fit-in/1200×9600/https%3A%2F%2Fblueprint-api-production.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fuploads%2Fcard%2Fimage%2F855619%2Fdd631797-ea3f-4258-b03b-dd4aaddb8e01.png&#8221; title=”Bear 719″>

Bear 719

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

Bear 32, “Chunk”

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

Bear 812

Bear 812

Image: BOB AL-GREENE/MASHABLE

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Saudi economist who criticised Aramco IPO charged with treason

Saudi Arabia‘s public prosecutor has charged a prominent economist, who once criticised a government plan to privatise the kingdom’s oil company Aramco, with treason, local media and activists say.

Accusations against the man, who was not identified, include joining the banned Muslim Brotherhood group, communicating with neighbouring Qatar, as well as inciting protests and unrest in the kingdom.

The head of ALQST, a London-based Saudi rights group, confirmed to Al Jazeera the charges and revealed the identity of the businessman.

Will a Saudi Aramco IPO ever happen?

“They meant Essam al-Zamil,” Yahya Assiri, the head of ALQST and a close friend of al-Zamil, told Al Jazeera.

A Saudi government media office did not immediately respond to a request for comment when approached by Reuters news agency.

Al-Zamil has been detained since September 2017 along with dozens of intellectuals and clerics in a government crackdown on potential opponents of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, whose ambitious economic reform programme centered on selling up to five percent of the state-owned Aramco, Reuters reported.

In a series of social media posts before his arrest, al-Zamil said the $2 trillion valuation for Aramco suggested by Mohammed bin Salman would require the authorities to include the company’s oil reserves in the sale.

Saudi press reports that #EssamAlZamel @essamz has been charged with treason and collaborating with diplomats and other foreigners against the country. It should be noted that al-Zamel was arrested after criticizing the Saudi government’s planned partial privatization of ARAMCO. https://t.co/JJK58ZBr8m

— القسط ALQST (@ALQST_ORG) October 1, 2018

Reuters reported in August that the government had called off the IPO plans and disbanded financial advisers working on what had been billed as the biggest stock flotation in history.

Saudi authorities also arrested scores of top businessmen and officials last November in an anti-corruption campaign, though most of them were later released after reaching financial settlements.

Saudi billionaire businessman Prince Alwaleed bin Talal was among those arrested. He was released after more than two months of detention on allegations of corruption.

The charges against al-Zamil, according to Saudi Arabia’s leading daily Okaz, include giving foreign diplomats “information and analysis about the kingdom” without informing the authorities or obtaining permission.

The charge of communicating with “an element of the Qatari regime” comes amid an ongoing diplomatic crisis in the region.

Qatar’s top diplomat says Gulf crisis at a ‘stalemate’

In June last year, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt severed diplomatic and trade ties with Qatar, accusing it of harbouring “terrorism” – an allegation Doha strongly denies.

The move comes as Mohammed bin Salman has been seeking to project his government as a reformist.

In recent months, authorities arrested  more than a dozen women’s rights activists. Most campaigned for the right to drive and an end to the kingdom’s male guardianship system, which requires women to obtain the consent of a male relative for major decisions.

Earlier this year Mohammed bin Salman ended a decades-long ban on women driving and allowed women to attend concerts and football matches.

Rights groups have welcomed some of the decisions but called for more comprehensive changes to the kingdom’s “guardianship” system”, which Human Rights Watch describes as the main obstacle to realising women’s rights.

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Brett Kavanaugh Is Lying. So Are You.

To opponents of Brett Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court nomination, two things could hardly be more clear.

The first is that Christine Blasey Ford in her Senate testimony last week was speaking a profound truth about an ugly night in her youth and the way it shadowed her life for decades. The second is that he was lying about small details in obvious ways that fundamentally undermine his denials about what happened in 1982, and even more fundamentally undermine his credibility to serve on the Supreme Court.

Story Continued Below

But many of these same people who are so certain about these two points seem to be genuinely perplexed, judging from conversations and their commentary online, on another: How is all this remotely OK with Kavanaugh’s supporters? Do they really think that sexual assault and lying under oath are no big deal?

Kavanaugh’s defenders answer with an incredulous question of their own: Can his Democratic pursuers really think it is OK to take the fragmentary and disjointed memories of adolescents and young adults from 36 years ago to destroy the reputation of an accomplished public servant now in middle age?

The mutual incomprehension shines a light on what has been one of the recurring themes of American politics for journalists of my generation: the human capacity to tolerate and even embrace small lies if they are in service of someone’s larger truth.

If you insist this phenomenon does not apply to you, the chances are you are lying—at least to yourself.

For progressives who dislike Kavanaugh, the comparison between the judge’s bristling, self-righteous—and, in spots, plainly misleading—testimony and that of Clarence Thomas 27 years ago is easy. Nothing in the decades since then has shaken their confidence that Anita Hill was telling the truth, and that Thomas was too much of an ideological zealot to belong on the court.

A less comfortable analogy for both sides: Bill Clinton. Certainly, it raises prickly questions for Kavanaugh. Like me (I was a White House reporter at the time), Kavanaugh spent more than a year of his life consumed with the seamy details of West Wing fellatio and Clinton’s lies, followed by grudging partial truths, about the same.

Kavanaugh played a critical role as a Clinton pursuer—no doubt he “busted my butt,” in the phrase he invoked four times in his testimony—as a top deputy to independent counsel Kenneth Starr.

The Starr crowd, there seemed little doubt, sincerely believed in the work they were doing. They also believed their own self-justifying claims—which seemed patently absurd to the other side—that it was not Clinton’s itinerant sexual appetites that outraged them but his lies and his supposed belief that conventional rules of right and wrong didn’t apply to him.

Clinton’s lies in that year of scandal started in January 1998 with the finger-wagging claim that he did not “have sexual relations with that woman.” By August, a long trail of crumbs had long since made clear that he had not been telling the truth, as he was forced to testify to Starr’s grand jury. But Clinton’s supporters, like Kavanaugh’s now, by this point were less concerned with the literal truth about his sexual behavior or his statements about it than they were with the larger power struggle Starr’s inquiry had set loose.

The year began with a big question—is the president a man of integrity?—that Clinton and his defenders succeeded in reducing to a series of comically small ones: Could the president truthfully deny being “alone” with a woman in his office if a Secret Service agent was standing behind a closed door outside? Does it count as “sexual relations” if a woman stimulates a man’s genitals but not vice versa? Was she an intern or a full-time employee when the affair began? Even on these matters there was plenty of evidence—captured in the articles of impeachment that then-Rep. Lindsey Graham and GOP colleagues prosecuted on the Senate floor—that Clinton was still not being fully truthful in his grand jury testimony.

Skipping over such lurid minutia, most Democrats, and plenty of others—in the end about two-thirds or more of the country—joined Clinton in embracing his larger truth: The investigation was a partisan vendetta, delving into private matters that had no place in the public square. In a televised speech acknowledging his affair, Clinton gave a brief apology in a flat tone and then launched into an animated attack on the unfairness of his inquisitors that came seven years after Clarence Thomas’s and 20 years before Brett Kavanaugh’s.

Most Kavanaugh defenders probably do not literally believe that his yearbook boasting about membership in the “Renate Alumnius Club” was intended as a gesture of affection to a valued friend, or that his reference to “ralphing” could have referred to his sensitivity to spicy foods, that “Devil’s Triangle” is a variant of the drinking game quarters, or that he doesn’t know that the legal drinking age in Maryland was 21, not 18, in the summer of 1982. But they do believe his larger truth—little different than Clinton’s, though delivered at higher volume and with even more belligerence—that the attacks on him are motivated by politics.

The question of truth and lies in politics is further clouded by the reality that public debate, in my experience, often touches only glancingly at the kind of things people really think and argue in private.

Many Kavanaugh supporters, reading between the lines, have a larger truth that goes something like this: “Who knows for sure what happened? Probably something bad but maybe not exactly like she remembers. Most people could not withstand an inquisition into decades-old behavior, and in any event Democrats don’t really care about the truth, they care about beating him.”

Many Kavanaugh opponents have a larger truth that goes something like this: “No serious person could doubt that Christine Ford was speaking the truth. We don’t need to show that he is Harvey Weinstein to prove that he doesn’t belong on the Supreme Court. It is precisely the instinct to look away from bad behavior that allows the Weinsteins and Matt Lauers to fester. The hearing made clear that the smug and entitled young man of 1982 has grown into the smug and entitled middle-aged man of 2018 in ways that go far in explaining his conservative worldview.”

Surely there are some people who are immune to the phenomenon—people whose notions of truth and virtue are so fixed that they hew to these values even when they lead to a destination they don’t prefer. But not too many, in my experience.

For all the raised voices of the past two weeks, there are scant few who previously were Kavanaugh’s enthusiastic supporters who now think his nomination must be opposed. Nor many who are dead-set against him but still agree with Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) that it is horribly suspect the way allegations made privately in the summer did not spring publicly until days before a confirmation vote in the fall.

Metaphysical discussions about the nature of truth, of course, can’t be employed as an excuse to evade literal accuracy when a nominee is answering questions about whether he is fit for a lifetime appointment on the Supreme Court.

“His lies under oath were not little lies,” Rep. Ted Lieu (D-Calif.) wrote on Twitter. “He specifically lied [about a yearbook reference to] ‘Devil’s Triangle’ because it was about sex. He specifically lied about ‘ralphing’ because it was about inebriation.”

Former FBI Director James Comey wrote in the New York Times that trained agents “know that little lies point to bigger lies. They know that obvious lies by the nominee about the meaning of words in a yearbook are a flashing signal to dig deeper.”

Several friends and colleagues have a hunch about what happened in 1982, and a fantasy about what they wish he would say now: “We drank a lot—way too much—in those days. I am not a sexual predator and I have no memory of an incident like Christine Blasey Ford describes. But the evidence suggests I was involved in some type of reckless behavior that caused her deep pain. If so, I am sorry and ask for forgiveness.”

Some might have found that credible. But, after a generation of remorseless Washington scandals—from Clinton’s to Trump’s—it’s not obvious this approach would have been shrewd from the narrow perspective of maximizing Kavanaugh’s chances of victory.

It’s also possible Kavanaugh wasn’t the only person in the Senate hearing room last week who would not wish to be judged by the literal truth of every word spoken.

I have no idea how Ford’s allegation was first leaked to the media, but I wonder whether Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) was speaking the absolute literal truth when she said neither she nor her staff have any idea, either.

I wonder also if Graham, fresh off his angry sermon about partisanship, would be ready to swear under oath that he would have no problem elevating a Democratic nominee to the Supreme Court who had denounced Republicans with the same vitriol that Kavanaugh aimed at Democrats.

Back in 1998, when prosecutors were drilling Clinton with questions about his affair, he uttered a line so classic that it later earned a spot in Bartlett’s Familiar Quotations: “It depends on what the meaning of ‘is’ is.”

To Clinton foes—no doubt to a younger Kavanaugh—it seemed the perfect example of the president’s smarmy evasions and moral relativism.

To me, in retrospect, it seemed Clinton was illuminating something authentic about his worldview. Only small questions—Do you live on Elm Street or Maple Avenue? Were you present at the party or not?—lend themselves to literal truth. Most large truths live in a realm of contingency: Clinton’s truths depended on context, on personal perspective, on who is asking and why.

It would be interesting to get Brett Kavanaugh’s perspective—under oath, ideally—if anything in his last two weeks has given him fresh sympathy for Bill Clinton.

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