Sex ed is missing something key for kids who’ve endured sexual trauma

The internet has changed how kids learn about sex, but sex ed in the classroom still sucks. In Sex Ed 2.0, Mashable explores the state of sex ed and imagines a future where digital innovations are used to teach consent, sex positivity, respect, and responsibility.

When some parents and educators talk to kids about sex ed, they might rely on a common but ugly analogy about gum. Imagine your virginity, they say, as a stick of gum; once it’s been chewed, no one wants it.

That prospect might scare some children into abstinence, but it also does something unexpected, something no adult could possibly want for a young person. An analogy rooted in shame intensifies the often secret agony of sexual abuse or assault, making it even more difficult for victims to bear.

“The message you get is, ‘Well, I already don’t matter.’”

“The message you get is, ‘Well, I already don’t matter.’ That’s exactly not what you want people to hear from sex ed,” says Monica Faulkner, director of the Texas Institute for Child & Family Wellbeing at the University of Texas at Austin.

“It tells a sexual assault survivor that no one will want you, and that it’s all your fault if you got pregnant or got a sexually transmitted infection.”

Whether they’re parents, caregivers, or teachers, adults don’t want to think that the child in front of them could be an abuse or assault survivor, but the numbers tell a different story. Historically, 1 in 4 girls and 1 in 6 boys have been victims of child sexual abuse by their 18th birthday. Research suggests that 10 percent of American children will experience sexual violence before becoming adults, and girls of color and LGBTQ youth, among other vulnerable groups, are more at risk. As we know from research and the #MeToo movement, many young victims delay reporting abuse or do not disclose it.

Meanwhile, sex ed lessons, along with the conversations parents have at the kitchen table, don’t acknowledge the reality that a significant number of children have sexually been abused or assaulted. Child welfare professionals like Faulkner, as well as sexual health educators, are working to change that by developing “trauma-informed” ways of talking about and teaching sex ed, which include letting children opt-out of sex-ed classes, avoiding shaming language and tactics, focusing on consent and pleasure, and addressing myths.

Faulkner works with foster youth, many of whom have experienced sexual trauma. She says survivors might feel afraid to learn about sex ed in a classroom setting. If the conversation is driven by shame, it can trigger fearfulness and embarrassment. It also might feel deeply unsettling or anxiety-inducing for a young survivor to think about genitalia or certain sex acts.

That’s why Faulkner recommends being attuned and sensitive to a child who appears dissociated. He or she might not be a survivor, but it’s important for teachers and parents to know that tactile behaviors like coloring or fidgeting can help regulate stress and heightened emotions. Adults noticing those behaviors should avoid singling out kids and chastising them.

Faulkner also believes that students should have the right to opt-out of classroom lessons, even trumping their parents’ wish that they participate. That may be controversial, especially for advocates of comprehensive sex ed who want to ensure that students are consistently getting accurate information about their sexual health. Yet Faulkner says it’s critical for survivors to draw their own boundaries: “The child needs power over that.”

Any sex ed conversation, whether it’s at school or home, should avoid shaming language at all costs. That means ditching analogies about chewed up gum, used tape, and flowers that have lost their petals. Instead, sexual health should be framed as another aspect of a young person’s physical health while sex itself is “something that’s good and can be wonderful in your life when you’re ready for it,” says Faulkner.

Consent should also form the cornerstone of these conversations. By simply telling young people that their body belongs to them and no one else, adults can empower trauma survivors. In turn, talking about consent makes it possible for children to disclose abuse or assault.

Latishia James-Portis is an advocate and educator who conducts sexual violence prevention and sexual health workshops as assistant director for prevention and response at Spelman College. In her experience, students who feel safe talking about consent often recount their own troubling experiences. This is important for trauma survivors who may have conflicted feelings. It’s possible, for example, for a survivor to love the person who molested them, which makes it harder to classify what they experienced as a violation.

“They may not even know what happened to them was non-consensual.”

“Take into consideration that when you’re talking about these topics, there might be confusion and shame in the room, especially if they have not had comprehensive sex ed up until this point,” says James-Portis. “They may not even know what happened to them was nonconsensual.”

James-Portis says she identifies healthy and unhealthy behaviors, guiding students through what the baseline for sex should look like: consensual and pleasurable.

Focusing on pleasure requires undoing pervasive myths about how penetrative sex should involve pain, tearing, or bleeding. James-Portis tells students that if sex is being done correctly, with mutual pleasure as the primary goal, it doesn’t have to be painful. She has urged young people to learn through masturbation what pleasure means to them, a pursuit that is already fraught with shame depending on factors like one’s culture, religion, class, and gender. Survivors often encounter another dense layer of shame related to exploring their desires and curiosities.

“If your first sexual encounter was abuse, within your healing process later on there can be that much more shame,” says James-Portis, who also teaches pleasure education at O.school, an online sex ed resource, under the name Rev. Pleasure. (She hosted a session earlier this year on healing after trauma.)

While educators might be unable to talk about pleasure in the classroom, that’s something parents and caregivers can discuss with children. Rather than worrying about getting every word right, parents should commit to having multiple, open-ended conversations with children about sexual health. Faulkner says that makes it a normalizing experience that creates trust over time, giving young people the confidence to ask questions critical to their health and safety.

If a young person discloses abuse or assault, parents should affirm it wasn’t the child’s fault, provide the necessary support for healing, and make clear that what happened to them is not the norm for consensual sexual encounters, says James-Portis.

She also emphasizes how important it is for survivors — contrary to the gum analogy — to know that their trauma is not the defining moment of their life.

“Teens experiencing this really need to be affirmed that however they process this is OK, however they move forward is OK,” says James-Portis. “And also, this is not where your story ends.”

If you have experienced sexual abuse, call the free, confidential National Sexual Assault hotline at 1-800-656-HOPE (4673), or access the 24-7 help online by visiting online.rainn.org.

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China defends internment camps for Uighur Muslims

China has issued an ardent defence of its alleged mass internment of Uighur minorities in far west Xinjiang region amid a global outcry, with a regional official insisting that authorities are preventing “terrorism” through “vocational education” centres.

Up to one million ethnic Uighurs and other mostly Muslim Turkic minorities are believed to be held in such centres, according to estimates cited by a United Nations panel.

Former inmates have said they found themselves incarcerated for transgressions such as wearing long beards and face veils or sharing Islamic holiday greetings on social media, a process that echoes the decades of brutal thought reform under Mao Zedong.

The programme has come under increasingly heavy fire from the international community, with particularly heavy censure from the United States and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.

Has China detained a million Uighur Muslims?

Chinese authorities initially denied the existence of the facilities. But they have changed their tune as satellite imagery and documents issued by their own government have made it increasingly difficult to maintain that position.

In recent weeks the story has shifted from outright dismissal to acknowledgement that the camps exist.

‘Infiltration of extremist thoughts‘

In a rare interview with China’s official Xinhua news service published on Tuesday, the chairman of Xinjiang’s government, Shohrat Zakir, defended the use of the centres, saying that the region was now “safe and stable”.

The official did not say how many people were being held in the centres.

Zakir, himself an ethnic Uighur, said the facilities were intended to improve job skills and Mandarin abilities among minorities with “a limited command of the country’s common language and a limited sense and knowledge of the law”.

“Through vocational training, most trainees have been able to reflect on their mistakes and see clearly the essence and harm of terrorism and religious extremism,” Zakir was quoted as saying. “They have also been able to better tell right from wrong and resist the infiltration of extremist thought.”

China says Xinjiang faces a threat from what it calls “Islamist militants” and separatists. It rejects all accusations of mistreatment in an area where hundreds have been killed in unrest between Uighurs and members of the ethnic Han Chinese majority.

Zakir’s comments come a week after Xinjiang inserted into its anti-extremism regulations new clauses that prescribe the use of “vocational training centres” to “educate and transform” people influenced by “extremism”. Rights groups say the amendments are an attempt to retrospectively legitimise the practice.

Op-eds by Chinese diplomats have appeared in newspapers around the world, arguing that the programme is an effective means of eliminating the threat posed to the region by religious “extremism”.

An editorial in the nationalist tabloid the Global Times warned foreign governments on Tuesday not to meddle in Xinjiang’s affairs.

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‘He Showed Me Where the Shooter Was’

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Steve Scalise was nearly killed last summer when a gunman opened fire at the Republican congressional baseball team’s practice. After months of surgeries and intensive rehabilitation, the Louisiana congressman met a thunderous ovation when he returned to work at the Capitol last September. The emotional scene—cathartic for Scalise and so many colleagues who were on the baseball field with him—might have obscured just how far he has to go. He’s still undergoing regular physical therapy and walks with the assistance of a cane; the wounds to his pelvis, hip and left leg were so severe that Scalise still doesn’t know whether he will ever be able to run again.

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Mentally, however, he claims to have recovered fully. Scalise says he was able to process the incident and put the trauma behind him by reconstructing the events of the day with the help of his teammates and security detail. That included a trip back to the baseball diamond with David Bailey, one of the two U.S. Capitol Police officers who saved his life.

“We went back to second base, and he showed me where the shooter was,” Scalise told me in an interview for Politico’s “Off Message” podcast. “We’re looking at first base, where [Bailey was] in a gunfight with the shooter. And he [was] standing just kind of isolated on an island at first base with no protection, and the shooter is kind of hiding, pigeonholed behind this cinder-block dugout behind third base.”

Of course, Scalise doesn’t want to be defined by that event. And he’s a fascinating character for other reasons.

Control of the House of Representatives isn’t the only thing at stake in the Nov. 6 midterm elections—there’s also the future of the House speakership. Paul Ryan is retiring, Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi faces an uprising among younger Democrats and Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy has not demonstrated the ability to collect the requisite 218 votes needed to become speaker. That makes Scalise, the House majority whip, a popular dark-horse pick to become speaker of the House—that is, if Republicans hold the majority.

Scalise, one of Washington’s most reliably on-message lawmakers, is even more cautious than usual these days. He’s spending the homestretch of the election season traveling the country with his House Republican colleagues, raising money and collecting favors while hugging President Donald Trump at every turn. Right now, with a career-climaxing promotion potentially awaiting him next month, Scalise can’t afford to alienate Republicans on either end of Pennsylvania Avenue.

The internal dynamics are fragile: McCarthy’s allies have eyed Scalise warily for months, worried that he is undermining his superior’s bid for speaker. Scalise, for his part, promises not to run against McCarthy for the top spot if Republicans hold the House, and moreover, he tells me, “I think Kevin would have the votes.”

We talked about the shooting, the fight for control of Congress and America’s hostile political climate while in Pittsburgh, where Scalise was campaigning for endangered Republican congressman Keith Rothfus. Excerpts of that conversation follow.

This transcript has been edited for length, readability and clarity.

Tim Alberta: We’re just past the one-year mark of your return to Congress following the assassination attempt, the shooting at the baseball field in Alexandria, Va., during the congressional baseball practice. We think mostly about post-traumatic stress as it would relate to the military or to law enforcement. Do you find yourself experiencing any sort of post-traumatic stress?

Rep. Steve Scalise: Thank God, I really don’t. And I think a lot of that has to do with the support structure around me—my family, my friends—and those months I was in the hospital. I was in the hospital for 3½ months, and you have a lot of time to reflect but also talk through those things.

I talked to my security detail, Dave Bailey and Crystal Griner, who were my two Capitol Police security detail officers with me that day—true heroes who not only saved my life, but saved the lives of all the other people on that ballfield that morning. They were both shot themselves. When I was laying on the field, I never saw the shooter. I didn’t see all the perspectives that they saw. We talked through our different experiences and emotions, and I think that helped me resolve it a lot.

When I got better and was able to get discharged from the hospital, I wanted to get back to the ballfield, just to go by myself with David Bailey. We’re looking at first base, where he [was] in a gun fight with the shooter and [was] standing isolated on an island with no protection, and the shooter is hiding, pigeonholed behind this cinder-block dugout behind third base. And you’re just thinking to yourself, “This is a special person that would put their life at risk to save me and everybody else out there.” A lot of hard work went into it, but you kind of confront all the demons, and fortunately I’ve been able to exorcise those demons by just facing them head-on.

Alberta: Before you were House majority whip, you were chairman of the Republican Study Committee, and the fact that the House Freedom Caucus wound up spinning off from the Republican Study Committee spoke to the ideological brinkmanship within the Republican Party from 2010 to 2016. It seems Donald Trump’s presidency has squashed those old beefs, and now, rather than conservative versus moderate, or tea party versus establishment, the divide within the Republican Party today seems to be Trump versus Never-Trump. Is that fair?

Scalise: It’s not the entire picture, but it definitely shows you that now President Trump is in place, we have a president we can work with. One of the good things, I thought, after the Freedom Caucus started, is that most of them still stayed as members of the RSC. And I thought that was important because it wasn’t a true break, and we don’t really disagree on philosophy. The differences might be really on tactics: How do we move as conservative an agenda as possible forward in a dynamic with a president who wants to work with us?

The Democratic Party is having, I think, [an] internal civil war. There is a lot of internal angst about who they are and what they’re going to be, because they really don’t have an agenda. They’re just against Trump.

Alberta: What you’re describing—a party organized around opposition to a sitting president—is how many folks would have described the Republican Party, circa 2008 to 2016. And it seems now, not only have the tables turned, but Trump’s presidency has stopped that internal bleeding in the Republican Party and pushed aside some of those old divisions. Is this fully Donald Trump’s Republican Party?

Scalise: Well, clearly, he’s the leader of our party, and he is [going in] the direction that people elected him to move forward on. “Promises kept” is a real important thing in politics. When Donald Trump ran for office, he ran saying very specific things. And he’s actually fighting to do all of those things for the people that he committed he would do those things for. And the highest profile, obviously, has been the Supreme Court.

Alberta: Do you see Trump as a legacy figure, the kind of president who will durably reshape the party in his image, like Ronald Reagan?

Scalise: Yeah, and the country. There are a lot of similarities in policy between Donald Trump and Ronald Reagan. It’s very much a Reaganesque conservative agenda, if you look at it. Clearly their styles are different, but in the end, you’re going to be judged on your results.

Look at the results: You’ve got one of the strongest economies we’ve ever seen, and now you’re seeing the president confront some of the underpinning trade problems. This country has cut bad deal after bad deal; he’s actually cutting better deals for America. Once we get through the trade negotiations, I think you’re going to see this economy take off even more.

Alberta: You talk with a lot of conservatives, though—I do, and I’m sure you do as well—who will acknowledge those accomplishments—

Scalise: It’d be nice if the media did, too.

Alberta: —but express a great deal of uneasiness with him. Is there anything about the president that makes you uneasy? Or a more direct way of asking the question: You have young children. Do you view President Trump as a role model for them?

Scalise: I think he is a role model in that he’s actually following through on his promises. One of the things that people don’t like about politicians are the people [who] go out and make promises and have no intention of keeping them. Donald Trump promised very specific things. He was criticized for saying, “We’re going to build the wall.” I voted to help build the wall and to put the money in place. Obviously, we don’t have enough votes yet to do that. That’s one of those things that hasn’t been done—like repeal and replace of Obamacare—that we need to go back to. We need to help the president deliver on that promise, but the president has done his part. I think that’s an important thing to be able to say, “You know what? Here is a person who ran for president, and he promised he would do these things, and he’s actually doing them.”

Alberta: A big pivot point in the Trump presidency will be the midterm elections. I’m curious from where you’re sitting today, what percentage chance do you give Republicans of holding onto the House?

Scalise: I would give over a 50 percent chance, but clearly there are a lot of races that are tight. This could be a long night, because there are a lot of elections that are going to be 50-50 races. And if you look today versus two weeks ago, Republicans are in a much better position because think momentum going our way. People are excited that we now have another justice on the Supreme Court, and they got to watch the Democrats literally implode and just go off the rails trying to destroy Justice Kavanaugh.

Alberta: You feel better about your odds of keeping the House today than you did before the Kavanaugh controversy erupted?

Scalise: Yeah, I think it really concerned a lot of people the way it was handled by the Democrats, the way they tried to make it purely political and personal and tried to destroy a man’s life whether he deserved to have it destroyed or not. And then you add that the economy continues to grow and people’s lives are better.

Nancy Pelosi wants to be speaker again. She said she would reverse the tax cuts. She would get rid of the border patrol agents keeping our communities safe. She literally said for everybody that’s out there that got $1,000 bonus or that’s seeing more real money in their paycheck today and their utility bills are going down because we cut taxes, she called that “crumbs.”

Alberta: If Republicans hold the House, the assumption is that it would likely be by a small margin. If that’s the case, does Kevin McCarthy have the votes lined up to become speaker?

Scalise: Well, I think Kevin would have the votes. We’ve got to hold the majority first, and then it’s going to probably be a smaller majority—I don’t think anybody is [under] any kind of delusions about that. But, at the same time, I still think we hold the majority. And there have been smaller majorities. There was a five-vote majority that Republicans had back in the early 2000s, and they managed to get some important things done. You can have a functioning majority, even if it’s smaller.

Alberta: To be clear, if Republicans hold the majority, you do not plan to run against Kevin McCarthy for speaker?

Scalise: No. I’ve been very clear. I’m not running against Kevin; I’m supporting Kevin, and ultimately, we need to make sure we’re focused right now on holding the House, and we are.

Alberta: I have to think back to John Boehner having a cushion of 30-plus votes, Paul Ryan having a cushion of 20-plus votes and how miserable their lives were. Who the hell wants to be speaker of the House with a three- or a four- or a five-seat cushion?

Scalise: It’s always a tough job, no matter who is Speaker, no matter what the time is. There are tough decisions you have to make every day, and so that’s why you see that job—there’s not a long shelf life for it no matter who is holding it.

Alberta: So if Kevin McCarthy is unable to get the votes to become speaker if Republicans hold the House, are you prepared to step in and throw your hat in the ring?

Scalise: I think we’re getting ahead of ourselves. Obviously keeping the House right now is my top priority, and there’ll be time for the races and who is going to run for what, but I’ve been very clear from the beginning: My focus is on keeping the House. That’s why I’m traveling around helping members in tough districts raise money. I just transferred another million dollars from my campaign account into the [National Republican Campaign Committee] last week so that we have the tools we need to compete against a Democrat[ic] machine, where you’ve got the likes of Michael Bloomberg—one person alone putting about $100 million of his own money in place to flip the House from Republican to Democrat. You’ve got [Tom] Steyer out there putting about $100 million in place to flip the House so that he can impeach Donald Trump. There is big money out there. We need to be focused on what’s at hand, otherwise we’ll be in the minority wondering about what we could have been.

Alberta: Now purely hypothetical here, but if you’re Donald Trump, isn’t there a part of you that thinks you would rather have a Democratic majority for the next two years because they provide an ideal foil—they would spend two years attacking the president, potentially overreaching, and helping him in his reelection cause?

Scalise: I’ve heard some of those same kind of ideas, but I think it discounts who Donald Trump is. Donald Trump is a person who wants to get stuff done. He didn’t run to play politics. He ran to shake up Washington, but more importantly to get this country back on track. And the president knows if Nancy Pelosi is speaker, the Democrats take the House, No. 1, all of the good progress that we’ve made in two short years is over. You’re at a status quo from there on, because their agenda is going to be to resist, to delay, to drag Cabinet secretaries into hearings every week, to stop them from unraveling all these radical regulations that Barack Obama put in place that were killing manufacturing jobs in America. It’s going to be testimonies; it’s going to be subpoenas; it’s going to be impeachment.

Alberta: Regarding our polarized political climate, your friend Jeff Flake likes to say, “The fever is going to break.” Do you think this is a fever that’s going to break, or is this the new normal?

Scalise: Well, we’ve seen for years that this is a very divided country. Election after election, it’s been going back and forth, but the divisions have been getting higher, the swing voters as a percentage of the country have been getting smaller, so people kind of get more polarized into whatever corner they’re picking. And then ultimately, there’s a lot less room in the middle where elections are ultimately decided.

I don’t think [Trump] is the reason why we’re a divided country. He came into a divided country as a president making some very specific promises about fixing some of the problems that were causing the division.

Alberta: But Trump certainly met the moment by exploiting some of those divisions and playing on some of the divides. Ideological, class warfare, identity politics—he exploited those things and was able to win the presidency because of it. And I wonder if you look 10 to 20 years down the road, will we be looking back on this as just a hiccup where the fever got a little bit high and then eventually came down, or do you see this getting worse?

Scalise: If you look at our country, we have gone through different pendulum swings. I mean, after September 11, you saw a real unification where people came together, and there have been inflection points like that, but, you can even look when George H. W. Bush was president. Right after the Gulf War, he was at a 91 percent popularity, and just a few years later he was not president and was voted out of office. The country moves around depending on what’s happening, and I don’t think that’s going to change.

Civility is one of the things I’m concerned about. Hillary Clinton just earlier this week was almost encouraging some of the violence you’re seeing against people based on their political views.

Alberta: Her quote was, “You cannot be civil with a political party that wants to destroy what you stand for.”

Scalise: There’s no place for that. And I think you start seeing why Donald Trump was elected, not her. That’s not what this country is about. This country is not about choosing when you’re going to be civil and when you’re going to be violent. There’s no place for violence in our political discourse. You can absolutely disagree with people, but you can’t pick and choose who you’re going to obey in terms of laws.

Alberta: Donald Trump in 2016 at multiple rallies [said], “I’ll pay your legal bills if you smack this guy around, if you punch that guy in the face,” seeming quite clearly to be inciting some violence at his own rallies. And this is where as I ask as a man who has been—

Scalise: Well, and I think that was in response to people that were paid to go and beat up some of Donald Trump’s supporters. You know, clearly you didn’t want to see it go there, but it went there because they were paying people to go in and attack people at Donald Trump rallies.

Alberta: I ask this to a man who was shot and who very nearly died: You would agree that there is no party or ideological tribe right now that has a monopoly on some of the insanity that we are witnessing in our political system?

Scalise: I’ve been very vocal recently that I’m concerned about the rhetoric on one side of the aisle. You can say all you want, “Well, gee whiz, it’s going around everywhere,” but it’s not. You don’t see this coming from the right. When Barack Obama was president, there were a lot of his policies that I disagreed with, that a lot of Republicans disagreed with, but threatening him, threatening to harass his Cabinet members, threatening his life was never acceptable. And any of us on our side would speak out, just as people on the left would if something like that happened.

I am real concerned about the radio silence when somebody on the left threatens violence against someone on the right, and it’s happening over and over again. It’s not equivocal; it’s not happening on both sides. It’s happening on the left against people on the right, and it’s well-documented, and it’s got to stop, and leaders on both sides need to call it out. I’ve called it out. I’d really like to see people on the other side call it out too. And they ought to, and frankly people in media should be asking them. If somebody is inciting violence, Republican, Democrat, regardless of party, we all ought to be calling it out because there’s no place for it in America.

Alberta: One of your best friends is Cedric Richmond, a progressive Democrat and the chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus. A few years ago, when the controversy exploded surrounding your having spoken to a conference organized by David Duke, Cedric Richmond came to your defense and said you don’t have a racist bone in your body. He may very well have saved your political career. Do you worry about the lack of cross-party relationships in Congress today, and is there something that can be done to encourage more of those personal friendships that transcend the partisan differences?

Scalise: Cedric and I go back to our days in the state House, where you would still have ideological differences with people, but afterwards you would go out to dinner. You would run into people you didn’t know, and you’d get to know them better, and you’d build real relationships. And while we on the Republican side and the Democrats on their side do a lot of things together, I think it would be healthy for us to do more things, you know, almost like a buddy system—you go pick somebody on the Democrat[ic] side, go pick somebody you really have a lot in common with personally and just get to know them better. And I think that would be better to really understand where the other side is coming from.

I mean, friends sit around their own kitchen table, and husbands and wives don’t agree with each other on every issue, but they don’t call each other names and throw things at each other. I think we need to do more of that, because the more you get to know somebody, at least while you can respect their differences, you’re not going to demonize them. And I think that’s what really is at heart here, is respect people’s differences because that’s what makes our country great.

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Afghan forces killed after fighters overrun checkpoint

Violence has escalated in Afghanistan as the country prepares for parliamentary elections [File: Mohammad Ismail/Reuters]

At least seven members of the Afghan security forces, including a deputy provincial police chief, have been killed in a Taliban attack in the northern province of Samangan, the provincial governor said.

The attack that began late on Monday when several checkpoints were overran in the district of Lower Dari Suf, wounded another five policemen, Abdul Latif Ibrahimi said on Tuesday.

Afghanistan election: Concern about voting system

He said the attackers made away with two armoured personnel carriers, a police vehicle and an ambulance.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility but in recent days the Taliban armed group has killed dozens in attacks targeting candidates for the parliamentary elections due on October 20.

The attack came two days after the Taliban attacked a number of police checkpoints in neighbouring Upper Dari Suf district, killing at least three police officers, the officials said.

On Sunday, at least 17 Afghan soldiers were killed and 12 others injured when Taliban fighters attacked a small outpost in the western province of Farah, officials said.

SOURCE:
News agencies

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Winamp, legendary music player of the 2000s, is getting a streaming era refresh

Winamp is getting an upgrade for the streaming era.

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By Johnny Lieu2018-10-15 23:53:39 -0700

Winamp, the legendary music player which was a staple of early 2000s computers, is getting a refresh for the streaming era.

It’ll become an audio app which brings together music, podcasts and streaming in one place, according to TechCrunch.

The last time Winamp was updated was in 2013, when it was then owned by AOL. Belgian online radio firm Radionomy acquired the music player a year later, where it hasn’t seen much attention — with the exception of a community project that’s worked to keep it updated.

“You can listen to the MP3s you may have at home, but also to the cloud, to podcasts, to streaming radio stations, to a playlist you perhaps have built,” Alexandre Saboundjian, CEO of Radionomy, told the outlet.

“People want one single experience … I think Winamp is the perfect player to bring that to everybody. And we want people to have it on every device.”

Aside from the pledge to unite all these sources under one app, there isn’t much detail as to how — or which services will be available in the updated Winamp.

The revamp aims to fix mobile audio, where users still need to jump in and out of apps to use different services.

“What I see today is you have to jump from one player to another player or aggregator if you want to listen to a radio station, to a podcast player if you want to listen to a podcast — this, to me, is not the final experience,” Saboundjian added.

One app in mind that already does this with competing streaming services is Sonos’ Controller app, but that’s only so you can play audio on the brand’s wireless speakers, rather than natively on your device.

According to the outlet there are still conversations to be had when it comes to what services are available on the app, but one thing is still for sure: Winamp still really whips the llama’s ass.

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Packers Put Aaron Rodgers in Impossible Situation And He Keeps Delivering

Green Bay Packers quarterback Aaron Rodgers (12) warms up before an NFL football game against the San Francisco 49ers Monday, Oct. 15, 2018, in Green Bay, Wis. (AP Photo/Mike Roemer)

Mike Roemer/Associated Press

Aaron Rodgers is the only reason the Green Bay Packers are even competitive.

The game’s best quarterback brought his team back from the depths of defeat to claim yet another last-second victory despite numerous reasons the Packers should have lost Monday to the San Francisco 49ers.

Green Bay somehow managed a 33-30 victory at Lambeau Field even though the defense looked overmatched (49ers head coach Kyle Shanahan called an impeccable game), the Packers’ wide receivers were depleted and Rodgers had to operate at peak efficiency despite being hobbled.

Each of the aforementioned issues speaks to much larger problems: The Packers roster isn’t built to win on a consistent basis, the coaching isn’t helping to make up for talent deficiencies, and injuries exploited the lack of overall depth.

Rodgers’ ability to overcome nearly any situation is his greatest quality. He’s never received enough help compared to other organizations that feature legitimate franchise quarterbacks.

Ben Roethlisberger could lean on Hines Ward, Antonio Brown, Heath Miller and Le’Veon Bell during different points in his career. Drew Brees has more weapons than nearly any quarterback in the league right now, including the league’s best backfield. Tom Brady once set NFL records throwing to Randy Moss, and he’s had the ultimate security blanket in tight end Rob Gronkowski for the last nine seasons.

Green Bay’s future Hall of Fame signal-caller has never had the same luxury. It’s only gotten worse over time.

Donald Driver and Greg Jennings were a nice duo at the start of Rodgers’ career, and Jordy Nelson developed into his favorite target over the years, but Green Bay’s utter lack of investment around the quarterback is startling.

The Packers have only used two top-90 picks on wide receivers, running backs or tight ends since 2012. The team didn’t have two key targets, Randall Cobb and Geronimo Allison, Monday because of hamstring injuries, according to NFL Network’s Tom Pelissero.

Green Bay Packers wide receiver Randall Cobb didn’t play Monday due to a hamstring injury.Mike Roemer/Associated Press

As a result, Rodgers had his normal top target, Davante Adams, to rely upon and continued to break in rookies Marquez Valdes-Scantling and Equanimeous St. Brown. This setup is analogous to asking a maestro to conduct without a symphony because it’s been replaced by an Oompah band. Music will still be played, but not quite to the level the crowd expected.

Even so, the two first-year receivers performed admirably. In fact, Valdes-Scantling caught three passes for 103 yards. The problem isn’t how the two young targets competed. Green Bay’s approach to talent evaluation and acquisition placed it in a position where it had to lean on fifth- and sixth-round rookies. The Packers should have put more around Rodgers long ago.

“Yeah, it definitely felt that way,” Rodgers responded when asked if the chemistry between quarterback and receivers was off for most of the game, per the Packers’ official site. “We missed a couple things. We had a couple mental errors. I missed a couple throws. We just weren’t on the same page.”

The six-time Pro Bowl quarterback still threw for 425 yards and a pair of touchdowns. Imagine what the two-time MVP could do with an elite receiver corps.

Rodgers marched his team 81 yards in 61 seconds to place the Packers in position for the game-winning field goal. The quarterback did so by scrambling for 21 yards, connecting with Adams and St. Brown along the sideline on consecutive plays and then flipping a pass over a 49ers defender to Adams once again so kicker Mason Crosby had a much easier attempt after last week’s forgettable performance.

The final drive came after Rodgers threw a perfect touch pass to Adams for a touchdown that—along with the extra point—tied the game with 1:55 remaining.

NFL @NFL

PERFECT throw from @AaronRodgers12 to @tae15adams!

We’re TIED at Lambeau! #SFvsGB #GoPackGo

: ESPN https://t.co/eGBdYv1Fni

Meanwhile, the offensive line had to be shuffled during the contest since right tackle Bryan Bulaga injured his shoulder before returning, per The Athletic’s Michael Cohen.

Rodgers continued to make plays in and out of the pocket despite his injured knee. The 34-year-old signal-caller originally tweaked his knee against the Chicago Bears in the season opener. He reaggravated it last week against the Detroit Lions and wore a brace during the 49ers game.

“I told Doc I’d like to be able to take the brace off after the bye,” Rodgers said after Monday’s contest, per ESPN.com’s Rob Demovsky.

The Packers are 3-2-1 entering their off week, and Rodgers may be at full strength upon the team’s return to action. He’ll need to be since the upcoming schedule is brutal. Two trips to opposite ends of the country are next on the docket and happen to be against the NFC’s and AFC’s best teams, the Los Angeles Rams and New England Patriots.

Green Bay will probably need a little more than Rodgers’ magic to overcome those squads, which falls on the coaching staff to have the team better prepared.

Head coach Mike McCarthy has never been the most creative play-caller. This is even more apparent with how imaginative teams like the Rams and Kansas City Chiefs are. Shanahan called a much better game Monday. The difference was an elite quarterback vs. a marginal backup.

C.J. Beathard was placed in a position to succeed, though. Shanahan kept a balanced offensive approach with an electric running game behind Matt Breida and Raheem Mostert, who combined for 148 rushing yards and averaged 5.7 yards per carry.

Shanahan’s sequential play-calling to set up multiple big opportunities, particularly for wide receiver Marquise Goodwin, was a sight to behold. But his ability to structure an offense came as no surprise. The Packers defense not being able to answer the call on numerous occasions was.

San Francisco 49ers head coach Kyle ShanahanMatt Ludtke/Associated Press

The 49ers’ ground attack gashed the Packers defensive front, while their receivers ran free in the secondary. Mike Pettine’s soft coverage behind aggressive blitz packages allowed a calm and collected Beathard to pick apart his scheme through three quarters of play. The second-year quarterback completed 69.6 percent of his passes and excelled when facing pressure. At one point, he completed nine of 10 passes against the blitz, according to the ESPN telecast.

Ultimately, Beathard regressed to his mean by throwing the game’s only interception late in the fourth quarter, thus giving the Packers the ball for the contest’s final possession.

In the end, Green Bay found a way to win. It’s the second time this season the team came back in the fourth quarter thanks to Rodgers. Without him, the Packers might have only one win (over the Buffalo Bills).

Rodgers’ late-game heroics adds to his legendary status, because he does what every great quarterback should do—elevate and maximize the talent around him, even if it’s subpar.

Brent Sobleski covers the NFL for Bleacher Report. Follow him on Twitter: @brentsobleski.

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Cambodia’s high-rises, slavery and climate change

Phnom Penh, Cambodia – Chanmony has spent the last 17 years making bricks used to build luxury condos and office spaces mushrooming across this Southeast Asian nation’s rising cities.

Although the country is one of the fastest-growing economies in the region, the 42-year-old mother of four has never enjoyed the bounties of the construction boom that has transformed the skyline of the capital, Phnom Penh, where she works at a brick kiln.

But Chanmony – whose name has been changed to protect her identity – is not one to complain and says she has “no ability to envy” the elites buying the property built on her exploitation.

“We only have to be patient and keep working and earn money and it is our fate to keep suffering like that,“ she says.

This woman is among the legion of workers trapped by the domestic brick-making industry, supplying building materials needed to quench the country’s thirst for bricks.

Although recent figures suggest a slight slowing down of the sector’s growth rate, the ever-present construction clamour echoing across the city coupled with unyielding demand for building materials tell a different story.

A truck full of wood is unloaded at a brick kiln on the periphery of Phnom Penh [Thomas Cristofoletti/Royal Holloway]

In 2017 alone, Cambodia’s imports of construction materials rose 36 percent, while the authorities approved more than 3,000 construction projects, marking an increase of 22 percent compared to the year prior.

Cambodia: Borei Keila residents vow to fight on for land rights

Chanmony doesn’t know when she’ll be able to return to her hometown province of Kampong Cham, where she built a wooden house for her family. At the moment “it’s empty”, she says as she rests on a daybed in front of a corrugated hut, where she lives with her five-person family. Like other kiln workers, she too resides on site.

Paying off debt

It is 11am and the woman has just exited a sweltering warehouse lined with infinite rows of brick stacks spread across its vast grounds. Only minutes ago she was lifting chocolate-coloured blocks off of a noisy conveyor belt and loading them onto a cart manned by her 10-year-old daughter, whose striking biceps are a testament to the strenuous physical work.

“I get the brick on the cart and then my husband and my daughter will get the cart and then get the brick under the sun [to dry],” she says.

“In total the three of us … we can make up to 25,000 to 30,000 bricks a day. It’s not only getting the brick from the kiln. The process requires three people to complete.”

Together, they earn from $250 to $300 a month with one-third of the income designated to pay back a $1,250 loan Chanmony took out with a microfinance company. She also owes $7,000 to another creditor – the factory owner – who won’t let her or her family walk free until she repays it.

“I don’t know how long [it will take] because I haven’t paid anything yet,” says Chanmony, who has spent almost half of her life working in kilns.

Kiln Nakry stacks fired bricks outside the kiln to dry before they are sold to construction sites [Thomas Cristofoletti/Royal Holloway]

This scenario is not unique to Chanmony’s household. According to a study published on Tuesday by researchers from UK’s Royal Holloway University, Cambodia’s brick- making industry relies upon a multi-generational workforce of adults and children trapped in the most prevalent form of modern-day slavery, namely debt bondage.

Although illegal under domestic law and the international treaties Cambodia is a signatory to, tens of thousands of debt-bonded families, the report says, “extract, mold, and fire clay in hazardous conditions”.

Climate change and slavery

Aside from shining a light on the working conditions, the research examines the plethora of factors pushing the most vulnerable Cambodians into modern slavery, which the International Labour Organization estimates has trapped 40 million people worldwide. It illustrates how urban development is propelled by unsustainable levels of debt taken out by farmers to cope with the adverse impacts of climate change when their crop fails.

Desperate to support their families financially and left with no other option – Cambodia lacks a social security system and farmers, which make up half of the population, receive no support from the government – many are forced to migrate to brick factories hoping to make ends meet.

“Our research aims to show that climate migration is happening in the here and now and that the impacts of climate change are social as well as natural,” Katherine Brickell, one of the authors of the study, told Al Jazeera.

“The research makes clear that the factors are complex but the poverty and inequality that leads many to the kiln is exacerbated by climate change.”

Modern slavery: Are we all to blame? – UpFront

Just like the kiln workers interviewed for the report, Chanmony too was forced to abandon her home in order to survive. A farmer from Kampong Cham province, she travelled to the suburbs of Phnom Penh lured by promises of gainful employment at a brick factory, because her rice field couldn’t sustain her family.

“I can only do the rice planting once a year because the rice field that we own is quite small and it cannot support the whole family,” she says.

But when she arrived at her new workplace she quickly learned her wages were insufficient to cover daily expenses and became caught up in a spiral of debt.

“Working at the factory I didn’t have enough money to support my family so I got a loan from the old factory owner … but then it’s still not enough so I had to borrow more money from the microfinance for the family again,” she says.

In the end, Chanmony took out multiple loans from microfinancing institutions in order to repay a fraction of her debts.

‘Treated like animals’

Although the welfare of kiln workers, whose exploitation remains largely invisible to most, does not lie within the remit of Sou Chhloung’s job, he has turned his attention to their plight.

“Brick factory workers … most of the time are treated like animals. They are sold from one factory to another factory. Their debt keeps increasing and [they] are subjected to harassment and violence,” the deputy president of building and wood workers trade union of Cambodia told Al Jazeera.

Since 2017, Chhloung has helped five debt-bonded families, including Chanmony‘s, to leave abusive employers and move to another factory. But the price workers pay for more humane working conditions is high, he says.

“According to my experience, in order to get them out of one factory to a new one, they have to pay between $3,000 to $6,000,” he said.Although she remains trapped in debt-bondage, Chanmony says, she is glad her family is no longer mistreated. “This new owner is quite kind compared to the previous one.”

Her fleeting victory gave Chanmony hope she might one day return to her village.

“If I can pay off the debt then I want to go home and have a small business,” she says. “I really regret [working in the kiln]. I feel the that the more I work, the more I have to pay for the debt I owe.”

Construction takes place on the $150m commercial and residential project The Elysee on Koh Pich [Diamond island] constructed using ‘blood bricks’ [Thomas Cristofoletti/Royal Holloway]

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Enrique Hernandez on ‘Pretty Bad’ Game 3: Dodgers, Fans Had ‘No Energy’

LOS ANGELES, CA - OCTOBER 15: Enrique Hernandez #14 of the Los Angeles Dodgers reacts after striking out during the eighth inning against the Milwaukee Brewers in Game Three of the National League Championship Series at Dodger Stadium on October 15, 2018 in Los Angeles, California. (Photo by Harry How/Getty Images)

Harry How/Getty Images

The Milwaukee Brewers blanked the Los Angeles Dodgers in a 4-0 victory in Monday’s Game 3 of the National League Championship Series, and utilityman Enrique Hernandez put some of the blame on the fans in Dodger Stadium.

“We had no energy,” he said, per Andy McCullough of the Los Angeles Times. “The stadium had no energy. The fans had no energy. Overall, it was a pretty bad game for everybody who calls themselves Dodgers.”

Hernandez took particular issue with the crowd’s reaction to catcher Yasmani Grandal.

Author Molly Knight noted Dodgers fans were chanting “We want Austin” in reference to backup catcher Austin Barnes as Grandal struggled throughout Game 3. He failed to block a pitch in the dirt in the sixth inning, which allowed Travis Shaw to score, and had a passed ball in the eighth.

What’s more, he is now 3-for-22 in the playoffs at the plate and struck out with runners on second and third and one out in the second inning and with the bases loaded and one out in the ninth inning. His final strikeout stood out because Jeremy Jeffress was struggling to close the door after Josh Hader mowed through the hitters he faced the previous inning.

Greg Beacham of the Associated Press shared Hernandez’s full comments regarding Grandal where he called the crowd out:

“It sucks. He’s a teammate. He’s a competitor, and you know he’s doing everything he can. He’s not trying to have a hard time behind home plate or anything like that. But it sucks that there’s nothing going on in the stands. Since the first inning when Braun hit that double, the stadium kind of went quiet for the rest of the evening, and it sucks that they got loud just to show (up) Yasmani. He’s trying his best. Catchers have a lot going on. The game revolves around them. They’ve got to call every pitch. They’re involved in every situation in the game. It’s the playoffs. It’s the big leagues. If they think they can do it, go ahead. Put on your gear and catch 99 (mph) with breaking balls that have a lot of movement. He’s been one of the best catchers in the game for a while now. He’s having a little bit of a rough patch, which we all as humans, as baseball players, go through. It’s just bad timing.”

Grandal was far from the only culprit, as the Dodgers were an ugly 0-of-10 with runners in scoring position in the loss. Starting pitcher Walker Buehler also allowed four earned runs and five hits, continuing his playoff struggles after giving up five earned runs against the Atlanta Braves in his start in the National League Division Series.

Los Angeles trails 2-1 in the series and has two more home games remaining. The series is over if it loses both, and even splitting them would put the defending National League champions in a position where they had to win both Games 6 and 7 in Milwaukee.

Perhaps that sense of urgency and Hernandez’s comments will result in a more energetic crowd in Dodger Stadium for Game 4.

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Star-Studded $200M Dodgers Are Headed for Yet Another October Disaster

LOS ANGELES, CA - OCTOBER 15: Manny Machado #8 of the Los Angeles Dodgers reacts after hitting a double during the ninth inning against the Milwaukee Brewers in Game Three of the National League Championship Series at Dodger Stadium on October 15, 2018 in Los Angeles, California. (Photo by Harry How/Getty Images)

Harry How/Getty Images

The Los Angeles Dodgers entered the 2018 playoffs with the highest payroll of any National League postseason qualifier.

The Milwaukee Brewers entered the 2018 playoffs with the lowest payroll of any National League postseason qualifier.

After the Brewers shut out the Dodgers 4-0 on Monday in Game 3 of the National League Championship Series, the boys in blue are at risk of another epic autumn collapse.

Given the dinero disparity, no one outside of L.A. will pity them.

If you go by Spotrac, the Dodgers paid $200 million for their roster and the Brew Crew paid $109 million (rounding up).

Yet, despite the massive dollar differential, Los Angeles is teetering on the edge of an October calamity. So much money. So few results.

Yes, L.A. has won six straight division titles and advanced to Game 7 of the World Series in 2017.

Executive Andrew Friedman and company have constructed an annually relevant operation thanks to an effective drafting and development strategy, aggressive moves on the international market and the backing of deep-pocketed owners.

That said, the Dodgers haven’t hoisted a Commissioner’s Trophy since 1988. Contending is fine, but what is it worth if you’re always the Brooklyn Bridegrooms and never the bride?

The Dodgers dispatched the youthful Atlanta Braves in four games in the National League Division Series. Goliath won that round. Tip your slingshot.

Trough three games against Milwaukee on the other hand, Los Angeles hasn’t played like a powerhouse bound for confetti and champagne.

On Monday, Dodgers hitters were frequently befuddled by the smoke-and-mirrors breaking-ball stylings of 30-year-old journeyman Jhoulys Chacin.

Bill Shaikin @BillShaikin

Dodgers tonight, by the numbers:

0: Home runs
0: Runs scored
0: Hits with runners in scoring position
10: AB with runners in scoring position
14: Strikeouts.

Final: Brewers 4, Dodgers 0. The Brewers are halfway to the World Series.

Credit to Chacin, who has made previous stops with the Colorado Rockies, Arizona Diamondbacks, Braves, Los Angeles Angels and San Diego Padres. He arrived with his A-game at Chavez Ravine.

Then again, he’s precisely the type of hurler the high-priced Dodgers should attack with relish. The Brewers were a great story after defeating the Chicago Cubs in a one-game tiebreaker, winning the NL Central and besting the Rockies in the division series, but the knock against them was a lack of elite starting pitching.

On Monday, they were entering a stretch of three games in three days on the road. This was L.A.’s chance to get to Milwaukee’s bullpen—which ranked second in the Senior Circuit with a 3.47 regular-season ERA—and wear them out early.

Instead, they shot blanks against Chacin and allowed him to chew precious innings while maintaining a zero on the scoreboard.

That’s not the way a title favorite behaves.

Superstar and trade-deadline cavalry Manny Machado went 2-for-3 with a double. Overall, though, Los Angeles’ bats were limp.

Hyped, fireballing rookie Walker Buehler showed flashes of a future ace after getting an intro from none other than Ben Stein. When the dust settled, however, he was outdueled by Chacin.

Buehler…Buehler?

LOS ANGELES, CA - OCTOBER 15: Pitcher Walker Buehler #21 of the Los Angeles Dodgers reacts after giving up a two-run home run during the seventh inning of Game Three of the National League Championship Series against the Milwaukee Brewers at Dodger Stadi

Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images

The Dodgers looked solid in spurts. Ultimately, they crumbled. It’s becoming an all-too-familiar refrain.

Add the continued, incongruous postseason mediocrity of Clayton Kershaw, and there’s cause for sweaty-palmed hand-wringing in SoCal.

Here’s what Kershaw, one of the greatest pitchers of his generation and possibly all-time, told reporters after the Dodgers’ Game 7 loss to the Astros in the 2017 Fall Classic: “Maybe one of these days, I won’t fail, we won’t fail and we’ll win one of these things.”

Maybe?

Maybe isn’t good enough. Windows don’t stay open forever, even when you spend the gross domestic product of a small nation on payroll and face a small-market engine that could like Milwaukee.

Another deep run won’t suffice. Even another NL flag won’t suffice. It’s title or bust.

After Game 3’s goose egg against the Brewers, “bust” is the operative word.

All statistics current as of Monday and courtesy of Baseball Reference.

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PM: Australia considering moving embassy to Jerusalem

Australia’s prime minister said Tuesday he was open to shifting the Australian embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem in line with President Donald Trump’s decision to recognise the contested holy city as Israel’s capital.

Prime Minister Scott Morrison called a press conference to say he was “open-minded” to proposals to formally recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move his nation’s embassy – a sharp break with the policy of successive Australian governments for decades.

“We’re committed to a two-state solution, but frankly it hasn’t been going that well, not a lot of progress has been made, and you don’t keep doing the same thing and expect different results,” said Morrison.

The status of Jerusalem is one of the thorniest obstacles to a peace deal between Israel and the Palestinians.

Israel regards all of the city – including the eastern sector it annexed after the 1967 Middle East war – as its capital while the Palestinians, with broad international backing, want East Jerusalem as the capital of a future state they hope to establish in the occupied West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

‘Very thankful’

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he had recently spoken to Morrison and welcomed the Australian policy shift.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas: ‘Jerusalem is not for sale’

Morrison “informed me that he is considering officially recognising Jerusalem as the capital of Israel & moving the Australian embassy to Jerusalem. I’m very thankful to him for this”, Netanyahu tweeted.

Morrison also announced Australia would vote against a United Nations resolution this week to recognise the Palestinian Authority as the chair of the Group of 77 developing countries.

The opposition centre-left Labor Party denounced Morrison’s announcement.

“Foreign policy and Australia’s national interest are far too important to be played with in this fashion,” lawmaker Penny Wong said.

‘Erratic foreign policy’

The Trump administration turned its back on decades of US policy by recognising Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and moving the US embassy from Tel Aviv in May.

George Browning, president of the Australia Palestine Advocacy Network, accused the government of “aligning itself with the most erratic, reactionary and bullish US foreign policy ever”.

“This is an irresponsible policy that compromises the future of millions of people in the Middle East,” Browning said in a statement.

But Morrison denied the United States influenced his announcement.

“I have made this decision without any reference to the United States. It has not come up in any discussion I have had with the president or with officials,” Morrison said.

“Australia makes its decisions about its foreign policy independently. We do so in our own national interests consistent with our own beliefs and our own values.”

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